A  ^  .  V.^^   ^mJK^^^' 


GIFT  OF 
Gladys    Isaacson 


'^7^ 


SERIES   OF  HAND-BOOKS  IN  SEMITICS 

BDITED    BY 

JAMES   ALEXANDER   CRAIG 

PROFESSOR   OF    SEMITIC    LANGUAGES   AND   LITERATURES    AND 
HELLENISTIC    GREEK,    UNIVERSITY    OF   MICHIGAN 

Recent  scientific  research  has  stimulated  an  increasing  interest 
111  Semitic  studies  among  scholars,  students,  and  the  serious  read- 
ing public  generally.  It  has  provided  us  with  a  picture  of  a 
liitherto  unknown  civilization,  and  a  history  of  one  of  the  great 
branches  of  the  human  family. 

The  object  of  the  present  Series  is  to  state  its  results  in  popu- 
larly scientific  form.  Each  work  is  complete  in  itself,  and  the 
Series,  taken  as  a  whole,  neglects  no  phase  of  the  general  subject. 
Each  contributor  is  a  specialist  in  the  subject  assigned  him,  and 
has  been  chosen  from  the  body  of  eminent  Semitic  scholars  both  in 
Europe  and  in  this  country. 

The  Series  will  be  composed  of  the  following  volumes : 
I.  Hebrews.     History  and  Goziernineut.     By  Professor  J.  F. 
McCurdy,  University  of  Toronto,  Canada. 

^|I.  Hebrews.     Ethics  and  Religion.     By  Professor  Archibald 
Duff,  Airedale  College,  Bradford, England.  ^Noiti  Ready. 
y     ni.   Hebuews.      The  Social  Li/e.     By  the  Rev.  Edward   Day, 
Springfield,  Mass.  [N070  Ready. 

IV.  Babylonians    and   Assyrians,  with   introductory  chapter 
on  the  Sumerians.     History  to  the  Fall  of  Babylon. 
V.  Babylonians  and  Assyrians.     Religion.     By  Professor  J. 
A.  Craig,  University  of  Michigan. 
VI.  Babylonians   and  Assyrians.     Life  and  Customs.     By 
Professor  A.  H.  Sayce,  University  of  Oxford,  England. 

\No7v  Ready. 

VII.  Babylonians   and  Assyrians.     Excavations  and  Account 

of  Decipherment  of  Inscriptions.     By  Professor  A.  V. 

Hilprecht,  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

VIII.  Syria  and   Palestine.      Early   History.      By   Professor 

j^  Lewis  Bayles  Paton,  Hartford  Theological  Seminary. 

\Noiu  Ready. 

IX.  Development    of    Islamic    Theology,    Jurisprudence, 
and  Theory    of    State.     By  Professor  D.   B.   Mac- 
donald,  Hartford  Theological  Seminary. 
The  following  volumes  are  to  be  included  in  the  Series,  and 
others  may  be  added  : 

X.  Phcenicia.     Histoiy  and  Government,  including  Colonies, 

Trade,  and  Religion. 
XI.  Arabia,  Discoveries  in,   and  History  and  Religion   until 

Mohatnvted. 
XII.  Arabic  Literature  and  Science  since  Mohammed. 
XIII.  The    Influence   of   Semitic  Art  and  Mythology  on 
Western  Nations. 


Zbc  Scmttlc  Secies 


THE  THEOLOGY  AND  ETHICS  OF 
THE  HEBREWS 

By  ARCHIBALD  DUFF 


Xlbe  Semitic  Series 


THE  THEOLOGY  AND  ETHICS 
OF  THE  HEBREWS 


BY 

ARCHIBALD  DUFF,  M.A.,   LL.D.,  B.D. 

PROFESSOR     OF     OLD      TESTAMENT      THEOLOGY     IN      THE     YORKSHIRE 
UNITED    INDEPENDENT    COLLEGE,    BRADFORD,    ENGLAND 


NEW  YORK 

CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 

1902 


Copyright,  1902,  by 
CHARLES   SCRIBNER'S  SONS 

Published,  April,  1902 
*  *  *     * 

QilADYS    ISAAgsoh 


TROW    DIRECTORY 

PRINTING   AND   BOOKBINDINQ  COMPA^ 

NEW    YORK 


TO 

MY    HOME 

M.    H.    C.    D. 

M.N.D.,   AND  A. CD., 

I    DEDICATE    THIS    P.OOK 

A.  D. 


[727863 


PREFACE 

A  TRUE  exposition  of  the  Eeligion  and  Ethics  of 
the  Hebrews  must  be  a  narrative  of  a  constant  move- 
ment. The  men  of  those  ages  were  mentally  alive 
and  progressive.  Consequently  our  exposition  must 
prove  to  be  a  vision  of  a  steady  progress  of  religion 
through  the  ages.  The  movement  and  development 
of  men  are  seen  truly  only  in  their  own  utterances, 
not  in  what  chroniclers  have  said  of  them.  There- 
fore, in  our  pages  we  try  to  let  the  thinkers'  own 
words  be  read.  This  becomes  the  more  imperative 
to-day  when  the  careful  student  of  texts  and  times 
tells  us  that  the  traditional  views  of  these  have  been 
mistaken,  and  that  much  rearrangement  of  passages 
is  necessary,  if  we  are  to  read  the  words  of  the  origi- 
nal writers  as  they  were  written. 

The  case  becomes  very  serious  when  we  deal  with 
the  Pentateuch  and  other  narrative  books.  Few 
students  do  not  now  see  that  these  are  composite 
works,  and  that  the  various  elements  in  them  belong 
to  different  writers  and  different  periods  of  time.  But 
then  the  reader  asks,  what  were  the  original  works 


yiii  PREFACE 

from  which  these  elements  were  taken  ?  Dr.  Bacon 
of  Yale  University  restored  three  of  these  works, 
the  Yahwist,  the  Elohist,  and  the  Priestly  writers,  so 
far  as  they  are  contained  in  the  Pentateuch.'  The 
present  author  has  published  the  Yahwist  (J)  and 
the  Elohist  (E)  in  full,  i.e.,  as  they  are  contained  in 
all  the  narrative  books  from  Genesis  to  2  Kings.  In 
the  present  work  a  summary  analysis  of  J  and  E 
is  given  in  Appendices  I.  and  II.  to  place  the  reader 
so  far  in  possession  of  the  facts. 

Concerning  the  Deuteronomists  the  case  is  more 
difficult.  Here  no  full  analysis  has  been  made  save 
that  sketched  by  Professors  Staerck  and  Steuernagel, 
as  described  in  our  pages.  Nothing  has  yet  been 
published  in  English  fully  describing  these  analyses. 
In  this  volume  the  first  effort  has  been  made  to  show 
in  restored  form  the  original  documents  from  which 
our  Deuteronomy  has  been  constructed.  It  is  the 
more  important  to  do  this,  even  at  cost  of  some 
space,  because  the  opinion  is  gaining  ground  that 
Josiah's  Reformation,  622  B.C.,  must  have  been  the 
normal  outcome  of  the  religious  movements  of  the 
century  of  the  great  Prophets,  800  to  700  B.C.  Still 
many,  and,  indeed,  most  scholars  hesitate  to  study 
Deuteronomy  in   this  light  and   also   to   study  that 

'  B.  W.  Bacon's  Genesis  of  Genesis^  1891  ;  and  his  Triple 
Tradition  of  the  Exodus,  1894.  Hartford.  A.  DufiP's  Old  Testa- 
ment Theology,  vol.  ii.,  1900.     A.  &  C.  Black,  London. 


PREFACE 


IX 


century,  800  to  700  B.C.,  in  the  light  which  that  Book 
throws  back  upon  it.  The  present  author  has  there- 
fore felt  it  a  duty  to  give  in  this  volume  especial 
attention  to  Deuteronomy. 

The  Hebrew  religion  and  ethical  life  reached  a 
culmination  in  the  Exile,  in  the  ideals  of  the  Slave - 
Singer,  which  are  almost  identical  with  those  of 
Jesus,  five  centuries  later.  The  men  who  had  reached 
this  height,  went  out  or  remained  out  in  the  world 
doing  their  work  of  evangel;  they  were  necessarily 
lost  to  history  so  far  as  they  were  Hebrews.  In 
them  Hebrew  religion  and  ethics  attained  their  cli- 
max, completion  and  close.  Our  volume,  therefore, 
ceases  at  that  climax. 

Archibald  Duff. 

United  College,  Bradford,  Yorkshire. 
February  20,  1901. 


CONTENTS 


PART  I 

EARLY   HEBREW   LIFE:    ITS   RELIGION 
AND   MORALS 

CHAPTER  I 

PAGE 

The  First  Homes  and  Goshen 1 

CHAPTER  II 
The  New  Nomadic  Life 9 

CHAPTER  III 
The  Settlement 16 

CHAPTER   IV 
Religion  and  Mobals      .         .        .         . '      .         ,        .19 


PART  II 
THE   EARLY   NARRATIVE    LITERATURE 

900  TO  800  15. c. 

Intkoductory    22 

xi 


xii  CONTEXTS 


CHAPTEK   I 

PAGE 

The  Religion  of  the  Yahwistic  Literature  .        ,     24 


CHAPTER   II 
The  Ethics  of  the  Yahwistic  School    .        .        .        .34 


PART  III 
THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

800  TO  700  B.C. 
Introductory 38 

CHAPTER  I 

The  Preaching  of  Amos 39 

Some  Chief  Hebrew  Events  with  Probable  Dates      .     42 

CHAPTER  II 
The  Prophet  Hosea  :  740  to  720  b.c 54 

CHAPTER   III 

Isaiah,  Prophet  and  Statesman  :  740  to  700  b.c.  .  .  79 
The  Story  of  His  Statesmanship  .  .  .  .79 
The  Substance  of  His  Sermons  .  .  .  .88 
Outline  of  Micah's  Preaching 109 


CONTENTS  xiii 

CHAPTER   IV 

PAGE 

Ethics  and  Theology  of  the  Great  Moral  Prophets     111 

1.  The    Primary  Fact   and    Feature  in  these  Moral 

Preachers Ill 

2.  The  Ethics  of  these  Prophets       ....   115 

3.  The  Ideals  of  these  Prophets       .         .         .         .118 

4.  The  Theology  Proper  of  these  Prophets     .         .  123 


PART  IV 
THE   FORMAL   DOCTRINAL    TEACHERS 

750  TO  700  B.C. 
Introductory 130 

CHAPTER  I 

The  Deuteronomists 135 

The  Problem  and  the  Clew  to  Solution      .         .         .  135 

CHAPTER   II 

Theology  and  Ethics  of  the  Formal  Teachers   .         .  143 


Xiv  CONTENTS 


PART  V 

THE  THEOLOGY  AND  ETHICS  OF  THE 
PERIOD  OF  POLITICAL  REORGANISA- 
TION   IN   JUDAH 

700  TO  600  B.C. 
CHAPTER  I 

PAQB 

The  Centuby 149 


CHAPTER  II 
Josiah's  Reformation 154 

CHAPTER  III 
Nahum  and  Zephaniah 161 

CHAPTER  IV 

The  Theology  and  Ethics  of  Jeremiah,  the  Critic  op 
THE  Reformation 164 

CHAPTER  V 

The  Near  Sequel  of  the  Reformation  :  Its  Theology 
and  Ethics  as  Seen  in  Habakkuk,  Obadiah,  and  in 
incipient  interest  in  Zion,  Law,  and  Psalmody      .  175 


CONTENTS  XV 

PART  VI 
RELIGION  AXD   ETHICS   IN  THE  EXILE 

500    B.C.,    ONWARD 

CHAPTER  I 

PAGE 

The  Exiles  and  Their  PbobtjF.m 181 

CHAPTER  II 
The  Exnjc  Literature 186 

CHAPTER  ni 

The  Answers  to  the  Exilic  Problem     .         .        .         .188 

1.  The  Answer  of  the  Writers  of  the  Book  of  Job  188 

2.  The  Answer  of  the  "Holiness  Law"  .         .  189 

3.  The  Answer  of  Ezekiel 191 

4.  The     Answers      in     the      *' Comfort-Poem "     in 

Isaiah 195 

CHAPTER  IV 

The  Faiths  of  the  Comfort  Poem         .        .        .        .198 

CHAPTER  V 

The  Four  Songs  of  the  Suffering  Slave      .        .        .  207 

CHAPTER  VI 
The  Hidden  Result 214 


xvi  CONTENTS 

APPENDIX  I 

PAGE 

Analytical  Contents  of  the  Yahwistic  Narrative        .  219 

1.  The  Epic  of  the  Beginnings  of  Life  .         .         .  219 

2.  The  Epic  of  the  Exodus 224 

3.  The  Epic  of  the  Settlement  West  of  Jordan,  un- 

der Joshua 231 

4.  Stories  of  Heroes  who  Saved  the  Ibhrim  (Hebrews) 

in  Times  of  Oppression  by  Surrounding  Peoples  233 

5.  The  Gilgal  Story  of  the  Kingdom      .         .         .235 

APPENDIX  II 

Analysis  of  the  Elohistic  Narrative  [circa  730  b.c.)  243 

1.  The    Days    before     the    Yahweh-Character     was 

Kevealed 243 

2.  The  Revelation  of  the  New  Name  of  God  .         .  247 

3.  New  Teaching  by  Statutes 250 

4.  The  Original  Deuteronomic  Law  ....  255 

5.  The  Story  of  the  Settlement  in  Canaan      .         .  258 

6.  The  Elohistic  Stories  of  Heroes,  or  Judges  .         .  261 

7.  The  Elohistic  Story  of  the  Founding  of  the  King- 

dom at  Mizpah 262 

APPENDIX  III 

The  Outlines  of  the  Original  "D"  Documents  .  268 

A.  The  "Judge"  or  Hosea-like  "D"  Document     .  268 

i.  The  Hortatory  Prelude 268 


CONTENTS  xvii 

PAGE 

ii.  Outline  of  the  Directions  of  the  *' Judge"  Doc- 
ument         269 

iii.  The  Text  of  the  "Judge"  Document         .         .  270 

iv.  Liturgical  Appendix 282 

V.  The  Closing  Portion  of  the  Setting    .         .         .  283 
B.  The  "  Elder  "  Amos-like  Document    .         .         .  283 


APPENDIX  IV 

Outline  Analyses  of  the  Oracles  of  Jeremiah  .  .  286 
i.  According  to  Cornill  .....  286 
ii.  According  to  Duhm 287 


PART   I 

EARLY  HEBREW  LIFE:  ITS  RELIGION 
AND  MORALS       .  _  ^  .  .^  . 

CHAPTEK  I    '       "VlJFO^' 

THE  FIRST  HOMES  AND  GOSHEN 

The  discoYery,  in  1888,  of  the  famous  box  of  tab- 
let letters  at  Tel-el- Am arna,  on  the  east  of  the  Nile, 
between  Minieh  and  Sioiit,  has  given  us  a  picture  of 
great  value.  By  careful  study  of  these  documents  we 
are  enabled  to  know  more  than  merely  the  officers 
and  the  majesties  who  wrote  them  from  Assyria, 
Syria,  Canaan,  and  Egypt  to  one  another. 

Eecent  research^  by  Drs.  Niebuhr  and  Winckler 
have  shown  that  two  of  the  original  fountains  of  pop- 
ulation in  those  far-off  days  were  Central  Ai-abia,  on 
the  south  or  southeast,  and  Asia  Minor  on  the  north- 
west. Out  of  these  homes  went  continual  emigra- 
tions, driven  out  by  lack  of  food  and  freedom.  From 
Arabia  an  early  stream  went  toward  the  Euphrates 
delta,  another,  perhaps,  across  the  Eed  Sea.  But 
one  of  great  interest  to  us  went  toward  Palestine 
and,  arriving  there,  the  folk  were  called  "  Migrators," 
Ibhrim,  Hebrews,  as  they  wandered  with  their  flocks, 
or  settled  beside  their  fields. 

'  Der  alte  Orient.     Leipzig,  Hinrichs,  1900. 
1 


2  EARLY    HEBREW    LIFE 

But  they  met  with  resistances,  offered  especially 
by  hosts  who  came  from  the  northern  source  in  Asia 
Minor.  Those  from  the  north  were  the  people  called 
Hittites  in  our  (31d  Testament  literature.  The  He- 
brew literature  contains  tradition  of  commercial  or 
military  conflicts  between  the  Hebrews  and  Hittites 
near  Hebro-i,  and  perhaps  on  the  mountain-yoke 
Shechem.  These  conflicts  gave  the  material,  appar- 
eutly,  for  the  stories  of  Gen.  xxiii.,  and  possibly  for 
that  Oi  Gen.  xxxiv.  In  these  struggles  the  Hebrews 
gained  landed  possessions  and  learned  to  believe  that 
their  deity,  Yahweh,  enabled  his  followers  to  obtain 
honour,  power,  wealth,  and  victory.  The  scenes  of 
battle  and  bargain  became  famous  sanctuaries  where 
the  Hebrews  always  felt  they  might  meet  together 
as  a  people  with  their  divine  patron  and  renew  their 
blood-kin  by  the  feast  of  flesh. 

About  four  centuries  before  David,  perhaps  1400 
B.C.,  these  nomads  moved  away  from  a  temporary 
stay  caused  by  famine,  near  the  lake  lands  close  to  the 
present  Suez  canal.  This  region  was  called  Goshen. 
Let  us  try  to  realise  the  outline  of  actual  history  in 
all  this.  We  may  discover  it  by  regular  historical 
method  from  the  varied  records  made  by  different 
men,  who,  at  successive  times,  looked  at  their  past 
through  the  different  media  of  their  circumstances. 
We  can  gather  together  the  features  that  are  common 
to  all  and  that  bear  signs  of  persistence  in  the  mem- 
ory of  the  people  from  the  occurrence  of  the  events 
down  to  the  times  of  the  narrators.  It  will  appear 
that  we  have  here  a  history  not  of  a  people,  merely, 
but  of  a  religion. 


THE   FIRST  HOMES   AND   GOSHEN  3 

The  sojourners  in  Goshen  had  been  wanderers, 
nomadic  shepherds  in  the  narrow  strip  of  territory 
lying  between  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Jordan, 
and  which  is  the  highway  from  Asia  and  Europe  to 
Africa,  and  also  in  the  somewhat  desert,  yet  largely 
fruitful  land  lying  east  of  the  Jordan.  They  claimed 
connection  with  tribes  lying  on  the  eastern  slopes  of 
the  White  Mountains,  or  Lebanons,  and  centring  in 
Damascus  the  ancient  garden  of  the  world.  There 
was  a  notable  spot  in  that  region  where  sacred  festi- 
vals had  been  held,  where  covenants  had  been  formed, 
where  a  great  patriarch  had  been  buried.  Probably 
it  was  there  that  the  specially  honoured  name,  which 
the  tribe  loved  to  bear  in  all  the  ages,  the  name  "Is- 
rael "  arose.  The  meaning  of  this  name  seems  to  be 
"  It  is  a  deity  that  is  prince  "  :  by  appropriating  it  the 
people  recorded  in  that  northeastern  shrine  their 
faith  that  they  had  a  god,  who  was  the  prince  yet 
intimate  member  of  their  tribe,  and  also  that  this 
chieftain  and  the  people  shared  in  the  consequent 
dignity  and  obligations.  It  might  be  customary  to 
call  the  people  "  Jacob,"  which  means,  "  supplanter," 
"  lier-in-wait ; "  that  name  might  express  the  character 
of  the  tribe  as  ordinarily  seen  :  yet  the  other  name  was 
true  also  ;  the  mere  name  implied  a  high  ideal  for  that 
day,  even  amid  consciousness  of  much  that  was  ques- 
tionable in  the  people's  ways.^  It  is  notable  that 
certain  ruins  in  that  northeastern  region  show  that 
there  have  been  honoured  sanctuaries  there  down  to 
comparatively  recent  times.  The  oases  on  the  long 
road  toward  the  Euphrates  were  so  welcome  to  the 

'  See  Stade  Entstehung  des  Volkes  Israel,  1899. 


4  EATILY    HEBREW   LIFE 

caravans  that  very  naturally  places  of  worship  were 
planted  in  such  spots.  The  mountain-sides  gave 
some  visions  of  such  beauty  and  command  that  men 
naturally  felt  at  such  points  that  the  Unseen  was 
near. 

There  was  however  one  special  point  in  the  Pal- 
estine region  that  was  the  chief  centre  toward  which 
the  wanderers  turned  for  guidance  and  festival  joys. 
That  was  the  "  Shechem,"  or  the  "  Shoulder,"  the 
chief  mountain-pass  between  the  Mediterranean  and 
the  Jordan  Valley.  This  was  the  centre  of  the  whole 
country's  area.  A  festal  fire  burning  there  could  be 
seen  from  almost  every  part  of  the  land.^  This  place 
was  always  honoured,  and  was  visited  frequently  by 
the  nomads  in  the  earliest  days.  Some  unchaste  re- 
ligious doings  were  practised  here ;  strange  connec- 
tions, religious  and  social,  were  formed  with  non- 
Hebrew  tribes.  Some  bloody  deeds  were  said  to 
have  occurred  at  the  seizure  of  the  spot  as  a  Hebrew 
possession,  in  which  for  ages  the  most  sacred  relig- 
ious acts  of  the  tribe  should  be  performed. 

Such  were  the  old  haunts  which  the  Goshen  people 
loved  to  tell  of  in  their  tribal  traditions.  But  they 
had  also  intimate  religious  relationship  with  sacred 
spots  in  the  nearer  and  more  desert  lands  of  the  far 
south.  There  was  a  famous  place,  an  oasis  perhaps, 
called  The  Well  of  Oath  (or  Seven),  commonly  known 
as  Beersheba,  far  in  the  south  on  the  lands  where  the 
wandering  Hebrews  came  in  special  contact  with 
Philistines  and  made  covenants  with  their  kings  or 
sheikhs.      Perhaps    the    sanctuary   called    Kadesh- 

*  Cf.  G.  A.  Smith's  IlistoricaL  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land^  117  ff. 


THE   FIRST   HOMES   AND   GOSHEN  5 

Barnea  (i.e.,  the  Sanctuary  of  Barne)  was  near  the 
same  southern  spot. 

To  this  fact  is  to  be  added  another  that  is  of  much 
religious  significance.  We  may  say  that  one  of  the 
earliest  and  also  most  persistent  points  in  Hebrew 
theology  was  that  the  tribal  god,  Yahweh,  was  a 
Storm-god  or  Kain-god,  and  that  his  original  home 
was  in  the  far  south.  The  storms  blew  up  from  the 
south ;  and  so  Habakkuk's  song  begins 

"  God  came  from  the  South  (Teman)." 

By  far  the  most  notable  sanctuary  and  theophany 
honoured  among  the  traditions  of  the  Deliverance  from 
Egypt  were  assigned  to  the  mountain-regions  in  the 
Sinaitic  peninsula.  The  peaks  there  are  probably 
the  scene  and  focus  of  many  a  terrible  thunder-storm. 
They  are  granitic  rocks,  some  of  which  are  9,000  feet 
in  height.^  In  the  brilliant  sunlight  the  red  rocks 
pour  out  a  very  blaze  of  fiery  light. -^  So,  too,  do  the 
limestone  plateaus  that  lie  farther  north.  Further- 
more, these  desert  stretches  bear  chiefly  a  low,  thorny 
plant.  The  mountain-range  bears  the  name  "  Sinai," 
derived  from  the  name  of  the  desert,  which  is  "  Sin  " ; 
and  this  word  *'  Sin "  seems  certainly  the  same  as 
the  Hebrew  Sene,  i.e.,  thorn  bush.^  These  facts  ap- 
pear to  give  the  meaning  to  the  story  that  here  a  man 

1  V.  H.  Kiepcrt's  Alte  Geographic.,  1878,  p.  184. 

'^  P.  Loti's  Le  Desert,  p.  83. 

'  Vide  Paton,  The  Early  History  of  Syria  and  Palestine  (this 
series),  p.  50,  who  connects  it  with  Sin.,  the  Babylonian  Moon-god. 
Neither  derivation  is  free  from  difficulty,  though  both  are  possible. 
-[Craig]. 


6  EARLY    HEBREW    LIFE 

saw  God  amid  a  blaze  of  burning  thorns.  Wandering 
in  those  regions  was  a  lad  who  was  to  become  ere  long 
the  leader  of  the  Hebrew  people :  he  was  shepherd- 
ing his  sheep  amid  the  red  granite  mountains.  The 
flock  browsed  upon  the  thorny  plants  that  bordered 
the  pasture  in  the  oasis.  The  man  sat  at  dawn  by 
the  stream,  and  watched  the  fiery  rocks.  Yonder 
streamed  the  level  sunlight  across  the  low  growth. 
Each  spine  glistened  against  the  rising  sun.  The  man 
was  a  poet,  one  fit  for  inspiration.  He  felt  that  the 
dreams  of  his  soul  were  the  whisperings  of  his  God, 
the  place  his  sanctuary.  He  bowed  and  worshipped. 
Thenceforth  he  set  himself  to  the  task  of  bringing 
the  Hebrew  people  out  of  Egypt  to  worship  here.  A 
theology  was  nascent  in  the  thought,  and  more  than 
nascent ;  it  was  strong  and  rugged.  In  the  power  of 
the  ideas  which  this  j^oung  man  in  this  hour  cast  into 
a  very  creed  of  purposes  and  expectations,  he  became 
one  of  the  forerunners  and  prophets  of  Hebrew  re- 
ligion. 

That  scene  compels  our  thoughts  to  revert  to  Egypt. 
The  youth  we  have  watched  was  probably  an  Egyp- 
tian :  the  Hebrews  always  called  him  a  Leivi,  i.e.,  an 
attache.  He  was  one  of  a  large  number  of  camp  fol- 
lowers who  left  Egyptian  homes  and  went  with  the 
Hebrews  when  they  marched  away  from  Goshen. 
These  Egyptians  were  probably  fugitives  from  the 
monarch's  oppression.  The  Hebrews  in  Goshen  had 
been  doubtless  tributary  to  Egypt.  They  had  gone 
to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fertile  Nile  delta  through 
the  pressure  of  one  of  those  famines  that  visit  so  often 
and  so  naturally  the  semi-civilised  East.     The  trou- 


THE   FIRST   HOMES    AND   GOSHEN  7 

bles  incident  to  eastern  lands,  and  especially  to  the 
delta  and  the  valley  of  the  great  river,  came  upon 
Egypt  as  usual,  and  the  Hebrews  saw  their  masters 
often  suffer  from  polluted  water,  from  malarial  flies, 
from  horrible  locust-swarms,  from  cattle-pest,  and 
from  destructive  storms  of  thunder  and  hail.  The 
Hebrews  had  suffered  too,  but  less  than  the  Egyptians, 
who  were  tillers  of  the  soil.  The  Hebrews  were  per- 
suaded that  these  curses  were  from  the  anger  of  the 
gods,  and  especially  from  that  of  their  own  god,  the 
Rain-god.  Their  religion,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
was  a  faith  that  their  god  Yahweh,  and  they  them- 
selves were  stronger  and  wiser  than  all  other  gods 
and  men.  It  became  a  favourite  Hebrew  tradition 
that  one  of  their  number,  Joseph,  had  been  a  wise 
counsellor  of  the  Pharaoh,  and  that  he  had  helped  to 
meet  the  famine  difficulty,  to  rearrange  the  Egyptian 
land-law  in  a  practical,  feudal  method. 

But  the  Hebrews  had  learned  and  taken  on  a  good 
many  Egyptian  ways.  They  had  learned  from  the 
Egyptians,  perhaps  unwillingly  at  first,  especially 
that  sacred  rite  of  circumcision  which  was  practised 
by  the  father-in-law  on  a  bridegroom.  Another  very 
important  Hebrew  observance  was  always  held  to 
have  been  brought  from  Egypt,  namely,  the  so-called 
Leap-Feast,  or  Passover.  This  may  have  been  a 
celebration  of  the  intercalary  days  needed  to  bring 
the  ordinary  reckoning  by  moons  into  agreement 
with  the  solar  spring-time.  Egypt  was  a  land  of  as- 
tronomers as  well  as  of  tillers  of  the  ground. 

The  occasion  of  the  departure  from  Goshen  was 
evidently  a  startling  calamity  which  befell  the  royal 


8  EARLY   ITEBPwEW   LIFE 

family.  The  king's  first-born  son  died  suddenly. 
It  seems  as  if  a  general  slaying  of  first-born  sons 
throughout  the  land  followed.  Perhaps  it  was  or- 
dered by  the  government,  after  a  manner  common 
among  semi-barbarous  peoples.  The  Hebrews  were 
spared  this :  they  believed  that  their  god,  Yahweh, 
defended  them,  for  he  "passed  over  them."  But 
probably  the  decree  had  gone  forth  that  Hebrew  first- 
born sons  should  die  as  well  as  those  of  the  Egyp- 
tians ;  and  this  apparently  occasioned  the  flight. 

But  the  chief  mover  and  leader  was  the  young 
"Moses"  who  had  found  God  near  him  away  in  the 
thorny  desert  and  had  returned  to  Egypt.  He  had 
pointed  to  the  plagues  of  Egypt  as  Yahweh's  scourge 
upon  the  land ;  he  had  preached  that  the  way  of 
safety  for  the  Hebrews,  and  for  Egyptians,  too,  was 
that  a  great  pilgrimage  should  be  made  into  the 
thorny  land  and  to  the  awful  mountains  where  Yah- 
weh could  best  be  worshipped.  Pharaoh  resisted 
and  tried  to  prevent  the  march  when  it  was  begun. 
But  Moses  led  out  the  whole  tribe  and  a  larger  band 
of  Egyptians,  who  attached  themselves  to  the  fugi- 
tives and  who  were  thereafter  known  as  the  At- 
taches, the  Lewiim,  or  "  Levites."  There  were  dan- 
gers as  on  the  fleeing  people  wandered  through  the 
shallow,  swampy  lakes,  but  the  escape  was  made, 
and  the  three  days'  march  went  forward  toward  the 
divine  mountain  where  the  deliverer  promised  that 
they  should  have  a  theophany  like  his  own. 


CHAPTEK  II 

THE  NEW  NOMADIC  LITE 

The  march  went  straight  to  Sinai.  There  the  de- 
liverer believed  they  should  see  as  he  had  seen  ;  and  as 
he  had  received  so  they  should  receive  inspiration  for 
all  their  future  life.  They  were  happy  in  the  fulfil- 
ment of  this  hope.  An  awful  lightning  and  thunder- 
storm raged  about  the  peaks  while  they  tented  there  ; 
the  later  tradition  tells  how  they  called  the  chief  peak 
afterward  the  Burning  One,  or  Horeb  (nnh).  They 
watched  and  trembled  as  the  lightnings  flashed. 
They  listened  to  the  thunders  and  told  each  other 
that  Yahweh,  the  god  of  storms,  was  speaking  to 
them.  Their  leaders,  the  deliverer,  and  a  chosen 
band  besides,  spread  a  table  up  somewhere  on  the 
heights  as  if  to  feast  this  god.  They  ate  and  drank. 
Suddenly  there  fell  a  bolt,  dazzling  all  with  the 
steel  blue  of  the  electric  flash.  To  see  a  lightning- 
stroke  close  to  one's  eyes,  to  live  in  it  and  after  it,  is 
to  understand  what  those  primitive  men  felt.  They 
said  that  God  had  descended  and  eaten  and  drunk 
with  them,  and  they  lived. 

Then,  or  thereabouts,  two  slabs  were  brought 
down  from  the  heights.  There  were  strange  mark- 
ings upon  them,  crystalline,  fossil,  or  otherwise. 
The  people  had  seen  hieroglyphics  ;  they  took  the 
mysterious  marks  to  be  the  hieroglyphic  letters  of 

9 


10  EARLY   HEBREW    LIFE 

the  deity's  speech.  What  the  words  meant,  they 
always  thought  it  hard  to  tell :  in  after  ages  they  in- 
terpreted them  in  various  ways.  But  those  two  slabs 
Avere  thenceforward  preserved  by  the  people  as  a 
sacred  memorial  of  that  great  day.  They  were 
enclosed  in  a  casket,  or  perhaps  planted  upright  in  it 
or  on  it  somewhat  as  sacred  pillars  (inacgehahs)  that 
could  be  thus  set  up  anywhere  by  simply  setting  the 
casket  on  the  ground.  And  this  casket  seems  to 
have  been  counted  for  ages  the  visible  shrine  of  their 
god.  With  this  casket  and  its  enclosed  tablets,  they 
believed  themselves  invincible.  In  some  strange 
ways  they  used  them  as  the  Greeks  used  their  orac- 
ular tubes,  seeking  oracles  through  them  for  their 
guidance.  There  arose  in  time  a  sacred  formula  con- 
nected with  this  relic,  whereby  they  called  their  god 

'*  The  Almighty  Yahweh  who  sits 
Throned  upon  the  winged  creatures." 

This  seems  to  suggest  that  the  seeming  hieroglyphic 
figures  on  the  slabs  were  fossils  or  else  crystalline 
forms  resembling  winged  creatures.  Therefore  the 
people  called  them  "Kroobs,"  i.e.,  Griffins  (Ppi/i/r). 
Here  again  it  is  evident  in  what  sense  these  Hebrews 
were  a  religious  people.  From  the  earliest  times 
when  we  begin  to  have  records  of  them,  we  find  them 
furnished  with  religious  emblems,  and  looking  upon 
these  as  their  central  characteristic  facts.  We  are 
justified  in  speaking  of  their  common  views  of  these 
facts  as  their  Theology. 

The   Deity   whom  they    worshipped   they   called 
Yahweh  (Sn^n^).     The  pronunciation  of  the  word  is 


THE   NEW   NOMADIC   LIFE  11 

made  certain  to  us  by  the  usage  of  early  Greek  Chris- 
tians who  were  free  from  the  Jewish  superstition  that 
the  name  was  ineffable,  or  dangerous  if  pronounced. 
This  pronunciation  is  preserved  also  in  many  early 
Hebrew  names  compounded  of  the  word  Yahu,  or 
Yahw,  and  the  added  predicate,  as,  for  example,  the 
name  Isaiah  which  is  Yesha-Yahio.  The  word  Yalnveh 
is  a  causative  incipient,  3rd  sing,  from  the  stem 
Haivah.  This  plain  bit  of  Hebrew  grammar  remains 
sure,  in  spite  of  many  obstinate  objectors.  Haioali 
means  "fell":  this  is  also  certain.  Thus  the  name 
of  the  deity  was  very  naturally  explained  in  the 
prophets'  days  as  "He  who  is  going  to  cause  falling 
rain  and  so  cause  life  and  all  things."  ^  Possibly,  of 
course,  the  word  came  originally  from  some  interjec- 
tion or  exclamatory  word  used  by  very  early  wor- 
shippers ;  but  the  theology  of  Amos  and  Jeremiah 
concerning  the  name  and  character  was  evidently 
understood  by  the  contemporaries  of  these  prophets 
in  800  to  600  B.C.,  and  the  Yahwistic  school  of  nar- 
rative writers,  from  whom  our  earliest  records  of  the 
people  come,  lived  about  900  B.C.,  for  they  bring 
their  story  down  to  that  date.  Therefore  the  Amo- 
sian  and  Jeremianic  theology  of  the  name  was  doubt- 
less nascent,  to  say  the  least,  when  the  story  of  the 
Yahwists  was  written  down.  It  is  difficult  to  get 
behind  the  Yahwistic  ways  of  thinking,  but  we  may 
reasonably  infer  that  the  nomadic  Hebrews  thought 
of  Yahweh  as  that  Causer  of  Falling  who  caused 
rain  and  thus  the  happening  of  life  of  plants  and 
beasts  and  men.     No  doubt  Yahweh  was  also  a  war- 

*  Am.  V.  4,  etc.,  Jer.  xiv.  21  f.,  xxxiii.  1  ff. 


12  EAKLY    IIEBRP:\y   LIFE 

god,  for  in  every  war  of  tribes  the  tribal  deities  were 
the  leaders  of  the  hosts. 

Yahweh  loved  the  common  meal :  even  at  dread 
Sinai  he  shared  it.  Professor  W.  R.  Smith's  fine  ex- 
position of  the  Religion  of  the  Semites  ^  shows  how 
he  entered  into  fellowship  with  the  members  of  the 
tribe,  just  as  they  entered  into  fellowship  with  each 
other  by  sharing  the  common  flesh  feast.  The  beast 
of  flock  or  herd  was  stabbed  or  beaten  to  death  upon 
a  slaughtering-stone,  or  over  a  heap  of  earth,  which 
was  called  ri3ina,  "  Slaughtering-place."  The  blood 
ran  down  into  the  loose  earth  or  among  the  heaped 
stones,  and  the  unseen  deity  received  it  as  one 
part  of  his  share.  He  received  also  the  smoke  and 
pleasing  odour  of  the  burning  of  all  offal  or  uneat- 
able parts.  The  flesh  was  boiled,  and  the  worship- 
ping tribe  ate  together.^  Then  they  rose  and  danced 
in  circles,  shouting  in  their  pleasure  over  the  hearty 
meal.  Probably  even  thus  early  the  shout  was  Hal ! 
Hal !  Hallel !  Its  meaning  was  something  like  our 
Halloo !  the  Greek  6\o\vyrj,  and  the  Latin  ululare. 
Hence  come  the  words  Tehillah  (y^T\7\),  i.e.,  psalm,  or 
shout  and  song  of  worship,  and  Hallelu-  Yah  (n^  ^b^n), 
i.e.,  "  Shout  ye !  *  O  Yah.'  "  Probably  in  special  cases 
there  were  also  sprinklings  of  blood  upon  any  who 
were  specially  pledging  themselves  to  any  task  of 
duty,  such  as  war.  Libations  of  wine  and  oil  were 
poured  out  upon  the  ground  or  upon  the  heap  of 
stones,  so  that  the  deity  might  receive  this  share  of 

'  W.  R.  Smith,  Religion  of  the  Seinites^  2(1  Edition,  1895.  Lon- 
don, A.  &  C.  Black. 

'  See  1  Sam.  ii.  15  (Elohistic);  and  Deut.  xvi. 


THE   XEW    NOMADIC    LIFE  13 

the  tribal  food  and  drink,  while  all  the  worshippers 
drank  and  grew  merry.  Covenants  were  formed  thus 
between  the  tribe  and  their  god,  or  between  tribe  and 
any  other  persons  or  tribe.  The  occasions  for  the 
covenants  furnished  the  occasions  for  the  feasts. 
While  the  people  were  nomadic,  they  could  not  well 
observe  the  festival  dates  which  agricultural  peoples 
celebrate,  for  these  latter  are  the  times  of  glad  reap- 
ing of  com  and  wine.  But  the  new  moons  and  the 
reappearing  seven  planets  fixed  great  dates  for 
feastings. 

The  trend  of  development  among  nomads  is  toward 
settlement  and  agricultural  life,  just  as  pastoral  no- 
madism is  the  stage  which  follows  the  hunter's  life. 
So  the  wandering  Hebrews  gradually  settled  on  arable 
lands  on  either  side  of  the  Jordan.  They  were  evi- 
dently unwilling  to  remain  nomadic  very  long,  for  they 
made  raids  into  Palestine  from  the  south  and  from 
the  east.  The  stories  say  that  they  wandered  only 
for  a  single  generation,  i.e.,  some  forty  years:  and 
this  would  be  the  more  natural  because  they  had  been 
a  partially  settled  people  in  Goshen.  That  they  did 
not  enjoy  nomadism  is  further  evident  from  the  rec- 
ords that  they  often  mutinied  against  the  leader  and 
deliverer  because  the  desert  life  was  not  so  comfort- 
able as  life  in  Goshen  had  been.  They  disliked  the 
slight  fruit  of  the  desert  herbage,  and  the  occasional 
meal  of  quail :  the  land  "  flowing  with  milk  and  honey  " 
seemed  never  to  be  reached. 

In  these  mutinies  the  defenders  of  the  leader  were 
those  kinsmen  of  his,  the  Leiviim,  who  had  attached 
themselves  to  the  tribe  at  the  Exodus,  hoping  doubt- 


14  EAKLY    HEBREW   LIFE 

less  to  share  in  the  blessings  Moses  promised  to  ob- 
tain from  the  deity  at  Sinai.  By  their  devotion  they 
made  themselves  the  true  body-guard  of  the  leader 
and  "  ministers "  of  the  deity.  In  hiter  days  they 
were  the  official  ministrants  in  worship  and  govern- 
ment. 

Along  with  this  body-guard  must  be  mentioned  two 
names  of  supporters  of  the  deliverer — one  who  led  a 
raid  into  the  south  of  Palestine  and  one  who  led  the 
final  raid  from  the  east  and  across  the  Jordan.  It  is 
remarkable  that  each  of  these  bore  what  we  may  call 
a  totem  name :  the  former  was  called  "  Caleb,"  i.e., 
**Dog,"  and  the  latter  *'Nun,"  f.e.,  Fish.  It  would 
be  interesting  to  know  whether  these  leaders  bore  on 
their  rods,  or  spears,  or  standards,  devices  represent- 
ing these  animals,  and  whether  they  were  really  rep- 
resentative men  representing  tribes  that  called  them- 
selves after  animals,  as  American  Indians  still  do. 
This  we  know,  that  the  early  literature  represents  the 
primitive  days  of  life  as  having  animals  who  could 
speak.  The  serpent  was  said  to  have  played  an  im- 
portant part  in  the  rise  of  men  onward  in  the  dawn  of 
moral  maturity.  It  is  also  notable  that  the  hero  who 
founded  a  lasting  monarchy  is  regarded  by  late  writ- 
ers^ as  having  belonged  to  a  "Serpent"  (Nachash) 
clan  of  the  east  Jordan  region  ;  but  the  story  of  Nabal 
makes  it  much  more  likely  that  he  was  related  to  the 
"Dog"  clan.  The  "Serpent"  clan  seems  to  have 
been  unfriendly  to  the  Hebrews.  It  is  valuable  to 
keep  in  mind  the  many  hints  of  these  faiths  current 
among  the  early  Hebrews :  they  are  part  of  the  peo- 
»  See  Ruth  iv.  20. 


THE   NEW   NOMADIC   LIFE  15 

pie's  religion.  Since  the  bitterest  enemies  of  the 
settled  Hebrews  were  the  Philistines,  worshippers  of 
a  fish-god,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  Elohistic  nar- 
rator claimed  that  eToshua,  who  led  the  final  invasion, 
was  really  favoured  by  the  Philistines'  own  god,  and 
was  a  son  of  that  god,  a  real  member  of  the  "  Fish 
People." 

One  more  feature  of  the  nomad  times  is  to  be 
noted,  viz, :  the  Balaam  episode  (Num.  xxii.  f.).  This 
must  have  been  an  effort  made  by  eastern  sheikhs  to 
hinder  the  wanderers  in  their  march  and  purposes  by 
having  curses  pronounced  over  them.  Tradition 
varies  much  concerning  the  manner  of  the  cursing 
that  was  tried.  It  is  evident,  that  the  cursers  were 
themselves  Tahweh-worshippers,  just  like  the  He- 
brews, and  that  the  religious  regard  of  one  set  of 
Yahweh-worshippers  for  another  was  too  strong  to 
allow  any  serious  cursing  at  all. 


CHAPTEE  III 

THE  SETTLEMENT 

The  story  of  the  Settlement  in  Palestine  and 
the  acceptance  of  agricultural  life  is  one  of  long  and 
bloody  raids,  cruelties,  and  oppressions  by  the  He- 
brews, of  reprisals  by  the  slowly  enfeebled  earlier 
inhabitants,  of  incorporation  of  these  among  the  va- 
rious Hebrew  communities.  Chief  among  all  these 
experiences  is,  for  our  purposes,  the  steady  tendency 
toward  unity,  and  the  sense  that  this  course  was 
right.  It  is  significant  that  an  early  poetical  record, 
which  was  perhaps  something  like  the  Homeric  Epic, 
and  which  was  so  well-known  and  so  honoured  that  ex- 
tracts were  made  from  it  by  the  early  Yahwistic  school, 
was  entitled  "  The  Straightforward  Man's  Kecord."  ^ 
The  same  school  tells  how  in  all  these  ages  of  the 
nascent  settlements  men  were  trying  to  be  just ;  but 
there  was  no  common  standard  of  straightforward- 
ness, and  each  man  followed  his  own  individual 
mind.^ 

There  were  many  attempts  to  secure  unity  by  the 
election  of  one  king  over  all,  but  one  after  another 
these  projects  failed,  until  at  last  one  man  succeeded 
and  the  great  dynasty  was  founded  which  was  be- 
lieved to  be  after  Yahweh's  own  mind,  and  which  all 

'  "  Book  of  Jasher,"  vid.  Joshua  x.  13;  2  Sam.  i.  18. 
•Judges  xxi.  25. 

16 


THE   SETTLEMENT  17 

Hebrews  so  loved  that  it  was  called  the  Dynasty  of 
the  "  Beloved,"  i.e.,  of  "David."  This  final  and  suc- 
cessful movement  must  be  dated  about  1000  B.C.,  while 
the  long  period  of  loose  settlement  and  of  nomadism 
following  the  life  in  Goshen  had  lasted  probably 
since  about  1400  B.C. 

The  progress  up  to  this  fairly  high  attainment 
was  a  genuinely  moral  progress.  It  touched  and  in- 
cluded many  sides  of  society.  This  was,  indeed,  the 
first  permanent  monarchy,  and  only  then  were  the  peo- 
ple all  well  united  under  one  government  in  common 
regard  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole.  But  for  a  long 
period  there  had  been  a  system  of  judicial  adminis- 
tration, ordered  by  men  of  wisdom  and  godliness. 
Such  a  man  as  Samuel  had  been  acknowledged  as 
judge,  magistrate,  almost  as  ruler,  by  many  districts 
to  whose  centres  he  went  in  turn  to  hold  a  sort  of  cir- 
cuit court.  That  this  was  possible  tells  much  for  the 
quality  of  the  people  who  submitted  to  his  judgment. 
They  were  united  in  brotherliness  and  in  regard  for 
aims  higher  and  wider  than  those  of  the  individual 
or  the  place.  But  it  was  also  a  mark  of  fairly  high 
moral  nature  that  the  people  could  produce  such  a 
man.  In  short,  Ave  have  here  a  proof  that  the  He- 
brews were  seeking  their  highest  good,  with  some 
breadth  of  view  and  self-control. 

Another  sign  of  the  social  and  moral  level  attained 
is  to  be  seen  in  the  record  that  the  art  of  healing  was 
practised  in  no  mean  way.  A  case  of  disturbed  mind 
is  described,  and  we  read  that  a  man  was  at  once 
found  who  was  wise  in  dealing  with  such  a  case,  and 
who  undertook  it  with  very  fair  result.     It  is  also  to 


18  EARLY    HEBREW    LIFE 

be  noted  that  the  skilful  physician,  or  guide  in  psy- 
chiatry, used  music  as  his  means  of  soothing  and  cure. 
This  shows  that  music  was  cultivated  and  finely  prac- 
tised.^ 

Society  had,  therefore,  made  some  advance  in  cult- 
ure. The  articulations  were  well  ordered ;  there  was 
a  good  care  for  men  and  things,  and  the  use  of  force 
to  maintain  order,  or  to  glorify  the  body  politic  was 
not  neglected.  The  new  monarch  found  it  possible 
to  gather  a  body  of  devoted  soldiers.  Many  of  these 
were,  it  is  true,  "  discontents,"  such  as  had  wrongs 
to  fret  them  and  to  avenge  ;  many  others  were  for- 
eigners from  the  coast  or  from  beyond  the  sea,  who 
were  not  sufficiently  attached  to  country  and  home 
to  prevent  their  incurring  the  risks  of  adventurers. 
Yet  both  sorts  of  adventurous  spirits  were  amenable 
to  the  command  of  a  skilful  captain.  This  proves 
the  presence  of  at  least  a  workable  sense  of  the 
pleasure  of  subordination. 

*  See  the  "J"  story  of  Saul  and  David. 


CHAPTER  IV 

RELIGION  AND   MORALS 

We  may  now  proceed  to  sum  up  the  moral  and 
theological  condition  of  the  Hebrews  down  to  the 
time  of  the  Davidic  Monarchy,  about  1000  B.C. 

There  was  a  deep  sense  of  the  reality  of  the  Un- 
seen. Men  knew  there  was  some  spirit  besides  their 
human  selves.  Certainly  they  regarded  this  Being 
much  as  they  regarded  themselves,  providing  for  him 
such  enjoyments,  food  and  pleasures,  as  they  had  for 
their  human  life. 

They  counted  their  deity's  friendship  most  im- 
portant, and  were  careful  to  have  and  to  renew 
agreements  of  helpfulness  with  him.  By  the  same 
means  exactly,  and  at  the  same  times  that  they  cov- 
enanted with  him,  they  covenanted  with  each  other. 
Their  common  covenant  with  him  was  a  covenant 
with  each  other.  We  may  say  that  their  common 
sense  of  the  Unseen  generated  a  moral  relationship 
to  each  other,  a  sense  of  regard  for  and  duty  toward 
each  other.  Or,  we  may  express  the  matter  in  the 
opposite  way,  saying  that  in  and  by  their  strong  sense 
of  duty  to  each  other  they  recognised  a  Power  pre- 
vailing over  their  will  and  their  life ;  their  morality 
generated  a  theology.  It  is  probably  best  to  say  that 
the  two,  morality  and  theology,  arose  in  one  and 
grew  together. 

19 


20  EARLY   HEBREW   LIFE 

This  sense  of  fellowship  extended  throughout  the 
tribe,  but  it  comprehended  other  related  tribes. 
Yahweh-worship  and  the  god  Yaliweh  were  tribal 
matters  indeed,  but  the  tribe  was  great,  and  included, 
over  and  above  the  Hebrews,  several  other  peoples  who 
were  treated  more  or  less  as  fellow- worshippers  and 
relatives  in  religion. 

It  is  difficult  to  be  quite  certain  what  was  counted 
as  the  main  attribute  of  the  divine  character,  but 
very  probably  he  was  regarded  as  the  rain-god,  or 
storm-god  and,  therefore,  also  the  giver  of  life  of 
every  kind.  No  particular  moral  excellence  was  at- 
tributed to  him.  The  kind  of  deity  who  thus  owned 
the  rain  and  the  fruitful  land  was  called  a  "  Baal,'' 
and  Yahweh  was  long  regarded  as  one  of  the 
"Baalim." 

All  through  this  period  from  Goshen  to  the  Mon- 
archy, Hebrew  men  were  learning  the  value  of  one 
another,  and  the  consequent  wisdom  and  duty  of  re- 
gard for  each  other.  Hence  morality  was  arising  from 
the  nature  of  the  conditions  attendant  upon  their 
developing  life. 

Methods  of  realising  this  value  and  regard  were 
coming  steadily  into  practice.  An  ethic  of  the 
court  was  arising.  With  the  practice  of  healing,  an 
ethic  for  mind  and  body  was  arising ;  a  culture  of  art 
came  about;  and  men  were  learning  a  regimental 
discipline  for  purposes  of  order  and  control  which  is 
the  basis  of  an  ethic  of  the  State. 

The  idea  of  "  The  Straightforward  "  was  born,  and 
it  grew,  especially  in  connection  with  song,  as  beauty 
and  right  are  always  related  kinds  of  harmony. 


RELIGION    AND   MORALS  21 

We  have  further  justification  for  believing  that 
these  features  of  morality  and  religion  were  growing 
with  much  strength  when,  as  we  now  pass  on  to 
the  following  period,  we  find  how  deeply  they  were 
already  rooted. 


PART  II 

THE   EARLY    NARRATIVE    LITERATURE 

900  TO  800  B  c. 

INTKODUCTOKY 

ANALYSIS   OF   DOCUMENTS 

This  volume  is  too  small  to  furnish  the  full  discus- 
sion of  the  extant  Hebrew  texts  and  of  the  recon- 
struction from  them  of  their  original  sources,  which 
justifies  the  use  we  make  of  them  for  our  present  pur- 
pose. But  the  minute  study  of  the  texts  has  gone  so 
far  and  the  results  are  so  fully  published  that  we  may 
justifiably  refer  the  enquirer  to  those  studies.  The 
substance  of  the  matter  may  be  put  briefly  as  we  move 
onward  from  one  period  to  another. 

The  earliest  of  the  works  used  in  the  composition 
of  the  Hebrew  narrative  books  from  Genesis  to  Kings 
was  what  is  now  called  the  Yahivistic  Narrative,  or 
the  Narratives  of  the  Yahwistic  School.  We  may 
speak  of  this  literature  as  that  of  a  school,  for  at  times 
there  are  parallel,  slightly  varying,  narratives  of  one 
and  the  same  matter.  Here  and  there  a  supplemen- 
tation has  been  added  by  some  thinker  of  the  same 
date  who  felt  that  some  additional  point  needed 
treatment.  But  all  agree  in  belonging  to  the  pop- 
ular epic  literature  in  having  no  theological  aim  or 

22 


ANALYSIS   OF   DOCUMENTS  23 

theory  dominating  their  method  and  their  matter, 
in  speaking  of  Yahweh  as  the  Hebrew  national 
deity,  and  in  their  standpoint  in  time,  for  they 
glorify  the  Davidic  kingdom,  its  pre-suppositions 
and  its  birth,  and  they  bring  the  story  down  to  the 
end  of  the  reign  of  David.  Thus  they  are  the  prod- 
uct of  the  age  just  following  the  foundation  of  that 
monarchy  and  date  from  the  reign  of  Solomon  or 
shortly  thereafter.  Therefore,  one  may  study  the 
mind  of  this  school  on  religious .  and  moral  questions 
as  one  source  of  knowledge  of  the  theology  and  ethics 
of  the  period  from  about  900  to  800  B.C. 

For  the  clear  understanding  of  this  school,  it  is 
indispensable  that  their  narrative  be  in  the  reader's 
hands  in  restored  original  form,  so  far  as  that  is  pos- 
sible. This  restored  original  has  been  published.^ 
In  Appendix  I.  we  give  an  analytical  outline  in 
which  the  numbers  follow  the  paragraphs  given  by 
the  present  writer  in  his  work  named  above. 

'See  Old  Testament  Theology,  vol.  ii.,  by  the  present  writer. 
A.  and  C.  Black,  London,  1900.  To  a  large  extent  also,  namely, 
as  far  as  the  end  of  the  Desert  Wandering  or  to  Deut  xxxiv.,  it  is 
given  in  Bacon's  Genesis  of  Genesis,  1891,  and  his  Triple  Tradi- 
tion of  the  ^iorfws,1894.     Student  Publishing  Co.,  Hartford,  Conn. 


CHAPTEK  I 

THE  RELIGION  OF  THE    YAHWISTIC  LITERATURE 

The  Yahwists  wrote  to  glorify  the  Davidic  king- 
dom. They  were  really  political  narrators.  They 
rejoiced  in  the  rise  and  establishment  of  a  national 
union  ;  but  that  kingdom  as  a  union  of  men  and  of 
hitherto  mutually  jealous  tribes  was  a  more  vital 
fact  in  human  progress  than  perhaps  they  realised. 
It  made  them  happy  because  it  satisfied  a  deep 
hunger  of  life.  They  said  that  their  king  was  the 
choice  of  their  god  and  they  were  glad  because  of 
that.  Their  king  satisfied  their  ideal ;  and  the  most 
powerful  demand  they  knew  was  fulfilled  when  they 
obeyed,  as  they  believed,  the  supreme  voice  in  crown- 
ing David.  The  creation  of  this  monarchy  was  to 
them  a  religious  act  ;  and  we,  too,  are  fully  justified 
in  seeking  to  see  here  an  implicit  theology,  and  in 
saying  that  here  our  special  quest  discovers  a  central 
fact. 

They  were  clearly  conscious  that  they  were  now 
entering  upon  a  higher  moral  level  than  they  had 
known  before.  At  the  close  of  the  terrible  tale  of  the 
decimation  of  the  Benjaminites,i  the  Yahwistic  writer 
says  in  so  many  words  that  before  there  was  a  real 
king  every  man  did  indeed  what  he  counted  right,  but 
every  man  acted  without  any  regard  to  the  national 

'  Judges  XXI.  25. 
24 


RELIGION   OF   THE   YAHWISTIC   LITERATURE      25 

good.  The  erection  of  a  monarchy  that  was  strong 
and  permanent,  established  a  common  sense  of  duty 
and  as  a  result  conferred  upon  the  people  greater 
worth  and  dignity.  It  gave  them  a  wider  horizon  of 
knowledge,  of  purpose  and  of  pleasure.  They  knew 
a  larger  righteousness,  a  larger  duty  and  a  larger 
honour.  The  word  Icishar,  "  straight  in  conduct," 
by  which  the  writer  in  Judges  described  "rightness  " 
came  now,  under  the  monarchy,  to  mean  a  longer 
line  of  reach  and  a  broader  line  of  inclusion. 

This  elevation  of  their  conception  of  moral  obliga- 
tion strengthened  their  sense  of  kindred  between 
man  and  man,  and  between  clan  and  clan.  The  sense 
of  kindred  was  always  felt  to  be  a  religious  thing. 
When  they  ate  together  the  flesh  of  the  sacred  victim 
for  the  purpose  of  making  a  covenant,  this  was  at 
once  an  entrance  upon  or  renewal  of  a  relation  of  kin- 
ship, and  also  a  religious  declaration.  They  ate  be- 
fore their  god,  and  he  took  his  share  in  the  blood 
poured  on  the  dust,  and  in  the  savour  of  the  ascend- 
ing smoke.  They  linked  themselves  with  him  by 
the  same  act  which  linked  them  with  each  other. 
The  same  was  true  concerning  all  their  festival  meals. 
Every  relationship  between  men  and  men  implied  the 
relationship  of  each  and  all  to  their  god.  And  since  he 
was  evidently  the  chief  and  lord  of  the  related  fami- 
lies, clans,  or  tribes,  any  intensifying  of  the  sense  of 
obligation  involved  an  enlarging  of  the  relation  to 
him.  Evidently  the  Yahwists  understood  that  the 
establishment  of  the  monarchy  under  David  was  a 
distinct  and  large  step  in  religious  progress.  Here 
then,  we  see  the  first  feature  of  the  Yahwistic  mind 


26  THE   EAELY   NARRATIVE   LITP:RATUKE 

concerning  God:  The  foundation  of  the  monarchy 
was  clearly  a  religious  act,  and  an  utterance  of  faith. 
The  following  seem  to  be  the  chief  elements  of  the 
faith  implied  in  the  new  unity  realised  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Dynasty  that  was  the  pleasure  of 
Yahweh. 

They  had  risen  to  faith  in  the  value  of  each  indi- 
vidual or  each  family,  not  now  as  an  individual  or  as 
a  family,  but  as  an  integral  or  organic  member  of  a 
complete  system  of  individuals  and  families. 

They  had  risen  to  a  new  faith  in  the  consequent 
new  value  of  a  permanently  organised  and  royally 
administered  state. 

This  meant,  also,  a  new  faith  in  the  national  deity 
who  had  hitherto  cared  for  and  covenanted  with  each 
Hebrew  or  Hebrew  family,  but  who  now  showed  his 
interest  in  a  kingdom,  i.e.,  in  an  organised  fellow- 
ship of  all  Hebrews,  governmentally  related,  royally 
administered,  and  permanently  established. 

But  this  meant  also  the  religious  recognition  of 
new  duties  to  the  king,  to  the  administration,  to 
fellow-subjects,  and  fellow-members  of  the  organised 
state :  the  faith  was  one  that  had  demands  to  make. 

There  was  in  all  this  something  of  greater  import 
still :  a  new  vision  of  spiritual  relations.  The  horizon 
was  widened  and  larger  value  was  ascribed  to  spir- 
itual power  in  man. 

A  nation  does  not  see,  nor  feel,  nor  believe  ;  indi- 
viduals do.  The  Yahwistic  writer  or  writers  of  this 
class  of  narrative  had  risen  to  these  faiths  and  views 
of  duty  ;  but  these  men  were  at  least  good  representa- 
tive Hebrews  of  their  time.    Therefore  in  this  analysis 


RELIGION   OF   THE   YAHWISTIC  LITERATURE      27 

of  the  faith  of  the  Yahwistic  writers  we  have  been 
discovering  the  real  religion  of  the  Hebrew  people 
of  the  Yahwistic  times. 

Another  feature,  however,  of  the  more  formal  re- 
ligion of  the  Yahwists  must  be  noted  and  appreciated. 
It  has  been  remarked  frequently  by  students  of  the 
literature  of  the  Yahwists  that  their  narrative  Dioves 
along  a  line  of  sanctuaries ;  of  these  it  seems  there 
were  seven  chief  ones,  into  relation  with  which  they 
thought  that  their  previous  history  had  been  brought. 
Without  some  such  external  symbols  religion  would 
not  be  human.  When  the  Yahwists  sing  their  great 
joy,  they  do  so  by  telling  a  story  of  the  past,  and  that 
story  is  one  of  a  long  pilgrimage  from  one  sanctuary 
to  another.  The  kingdom  was  pleasing  to  Yahweh, 
say  they ;  and  the  road  to  it  ran  from  one  place  of 
meeting  with  him  to  another.  Thus  the  Yahwistic 
story  is  no  mere  book  of  national  annals;  it  is  a 
book  of  religious  faith.  Therefore,  to  the  five  points 
of  their  religion  and  faith  laid  down  above,  we  may 
add  this :  They  have  risen  to  a  faith  in  fellowship 
with  Yahweh  as  the  guiding  factor  throughout  all 
past  ages,  guiding  the  Hebrews  ultimately  to  the 
Davidic  Monarchy. 

They  have  risen  to  see  the  duty  of  carefully  record- 
ing this  faith,  and  the  story  that  embodies  it.  We 
cannot  say  that  there  was  no  earlier  literature ;  but 
now  the  nation  brought  forth  men  who  could  con- 
struct such  an  epic,  and  the  nation  now  knew  how  to 
prize  it  and  preserve  it. 

In  order  to  define  more  exactly  the  level  to  which 
the  Yahwistic  writers  had  attained,  we  may  gather 


28  THE   EARLY   NAKKATIVE   LITERATURE 

together  here  the  main  features  of  the  character  of 
Yahweh  as  he  was  conceived  by  these  writers. 

There  is,  of  course,  a  good  deal  of  anthropomor- 
phism in  all  their  thoughts  of  their  god ;  the  anthro- 
pomorphism is  a  feature  of  their  own  mental  habit, 
reflecting  itself  in  the  character  they  saw  in  their  god. 
And  yet  the  point  of  prime  importance  in  that  char- 
acter is  this  :  Yahweh  so  cared  for  them,  that  he  fash- 
ioned them  at  first  with  an  inherent  possibility  of  at- 
taining to  knowledge  of  the  difference  between  good 
and  evil.  Of  less  importance  is  the  faith  that  this 
knowledge  would  be  realised  through  eating  certain 
food,  or  that  it  came  only  after  sexual  conscious- 
ness awoke ;  or  that  other  animal  orders  had  some 
mediating  share  in  it ;  or  that  such  maturity  of  knowl- 
edge was  also  a  premonition  of  death  :  all  these  are  of 
secondary  theological  and  ethical  interest.  It  is  mo- 
mentous to  find  these  Yahwists  clearly  attributing  to 
Yahweh  the  creation  of  so  high  a  human  capacity, 
and  attributing  further  to  him  the  creation  in  man 
of  a  sense  of  unfitness,  and  a  desire  to  hide  himself, 
when  the  difference  between  good  and  evil  dawned 
upon  him.  These  features  in  the  theology  of  the 
Yahwists  are  surely  a  projection  of  their  own  new- 
born consciousness  upon  the  past.  They  had  come 
to  regard  Yahweh  as  the  author  of  the  sense  of  shame 
and  of  over-awing  ideals.  Evidently  they  are  them- 
selves the  originals  of  the  awestruck  souls  who  hid 
themselves,  as  we  read  in  the  third  chapter  of  Genesis. 

Yahweh  appeared  to  them,  also,  as  establisher  of 
moral  sanctions.  He  ordained  that  definite  bless- 
ings and  curses  should  attend  definite  courses  of  con- 


RELIGIOX   OF  THE   YAHWISTIC    LITERATURE      29 

duct.  The  sense  of  shame,  of  awe,  of  inevitable 
bending  of  conscience  had  dawned,  and  it  was  an 
awful  fact  in  life ;  but  the  Yahwists  did  not  see  that 
that  was  enough  for  the  moral  government  of  the 
world.  The  "  categorical  imperative  "  was  not  enough : 
virtue  was  not  its  own  reward  under  this  new  view  of 
Yaliweh.  He  had  still  to  use  the  other  prizes  and 
payments,  whips  and  stings  of  material  reward  and 
punishment. 

Again  the  channel  of  these  blessings  and  curses  was 
to  be  divinely  appointed  persons,  controlling  the  He- 
brew nation  as  a  whole.  Hitherto,  of  course,  the 
faith  had  been  that  Yaliweh  cared  to  bless  the  people 
as  a  loosely  related  tribe,  or  any  family,  or  an  indi- 
vidual, according  as  these  linked  themselves  to  him 
in  the  sacred  feast.  But  now  a  higher  feature  has 
emerged ;  for  certain  individuals  or  tribes  of  the 
organised  people  have  a  function  of  blessing  or  curs- 
ing, and  so  carrying  out  the  sanctions  and  the  aims 
of  Yahweh. 

Yahweh  is  now  regarded  as  having  preferences  for 
this  people,  or  for  this  or  that  man ;  as,  for  example, 
an  Abraham,  a  Joseph,  a  Moses,  or  a  David,  because 
the  character  of  these  pleases  him.  He  has  now 
more  than  the  local  preferences  of  old  :  the  Yahwists 
know  that  Yahweh  has  a  certain  love  for  persons  for 
the  sake  of  their  moral  worth.  It  is  to  be  observed, 
however,  that  the  morality  thus  preferred  is  by  no 
means  the  highest  that  has  been  known  :  it  is,  indeed, 
far  below  our  own  standards. 

Furthermore,  a  tenderness  appears  in  the  concep- 
tion of  Yahweh  which  rises  to  a  remarkable  height  iu 


30  THE   EARLY    NAllRATIVE   LITERATURE 

the  classic  passage  where  the  deliverer  Moses  is  de- 
scribed as  receiving  a  special  personal  impression 
coucerniug  the  nature  of  Yahweh.  Moses  is  said  to 
have  cried : 

"O  Yahweh,  O  Yahweh! 
Ever  compassionate  and  ever  gracious  deity ; 
Patient  in  anger,  and  abundant   in   loving  kindness   and 

truth ; 
Preserving  loving  kindness  to  thousands, 
Lifting  away  waywardness,  transgression  and  fault !  " 

Comment  could  scarcely  heighten  the  beauty  of  this 
passage.  It  is  indeed  a  little  difficult  to  believe  that 
the  passage  dates  actually  from  the  days  just  after 
David  with  all  his  blood-thirst.  Yet,  on  the  other 
hand,  it  does  look  like  the  herald  of  such  moral  no- 
bility as  Amos  had,  such  tenderness  as  Hosea  breathed, 
such  majestic  conceptions  as  Isaiah  proclaimed.  If 
this  passage  be  the  product  of  the  Yahwists,  they  fur- 
nish evidence  therein  that  a  great  advance  was  made 
in  Hebrew  theology  when  they  rose  to  their  task  of 
narration. 

Certain  other  features  must  be  recorded  which  are 
not  exactly  co-ordinate  with  those  just  named,  al- 
though related.  They  are  marks  not  of  the  charac- 
ter of  Yahweh  as  these  writers  believed  they  saw  it, 
but  rather  of  the  purposes  which  they  believed  he 
would  unfold.  Tliey  expected  that  the  Davidic  dy- 
nasty so  gladly  established  was  to  be  permanent. 
The  closing  words  of  the  Yahwistic  story  in  the 
end  of  1  Kings  ii.,  see  Analysis,  138,  show  that  this 
was  the  faith  of  these  writers. 


RELIGION   OF   THE   YAHWISTIC    LITERATURE      81 

There  is,  however,  a  notable  expression  used  in  2 
Samuel  vi.,  which  shows  that  the  Yahwists  were  gain- 
ing a  new  conception  of  Yahweh's  purposes  as  reach- 
ing far  beyond  the  rule  over  the  Hebrews  and  their 
land.  We  read  that  King  David  caused  the  ark  to 
be  brought  up  from  the  Ba'alah  of  Judah,  i.e.,  prob- 
ably the  old  tribal  capital,  to  Jerusalem,  the  king's 
newly  acquired  fortress,  which  he  wished  to  make  the 
capital  of  all  the  nation,  and  where  also,  of  course,  he 
wished  to  have  a  sanctuary.  The  writer  adds  a  little 
archaeological  note,  saying  that  Yahweh's  name  is  : 

"Yahweh  of  Sabaoth  seated  upon  the  cherubs." 

The  closing  words  are  peculiar,  but  the  name  Yaliweh 
of  Sabaoth,  i.e.,  of  Hosts,  fixes  their  date.  There  is 
certainly  a  possibility  that  the  name  is  a  late  inser- 
tion, and  belongs  to  the  time  when  such  Psalms  as 
Ixxx.,  xcix.,  and  xviii.  could  be  written.  And  yet  the 
term  Yahweh  of  Hosts  was  used  by  Amos  in  800-700 
B.C.  It  is  not,  therefore,  utterly  impossible  that  it 
w^as  used  in  900-800  B.C.,  when  the  Yahwists  were 
writing?.  But  w^hat  would  be  the  significance  of  it  ? 
The  qualification  "  seated  upon  the  cherub  "  had  its 
origin  in  the  idea  that  Yahweh  was  a  storm-god  who 
travelled  across  the  heavens  on  the  wild- winged  storm 
clouds.  The  expression  came  to  be  applied  to  Yah- 
weh as  connected  with  the  casket  in  which  were  the 
sacred  slabs  brought  from  Sinai. ^  Now  we  know  that 
the  markings  on  the  slabs  w^ere  mysterious,  for  they 

'  Professor  Rahlfs  argues  in  his  treatise  oa  'jy  and  Tjy  in  den 
Psalmen^  G()ttingen,  18!)2,  tliat  tliis  derived  appHcation  could  not 
arise  until  the  casket  was  lost  at  the  exile,  about  600  b.c. 


32  THE  EARLY   NARRATIVE   LITERATURE 

were  interpreted  in  different  ways  while  they  were 
still  in  existence.  They  seemed  like  hieroglyphs,  and 
what  more  likely  than  that  there  were  cloudy  col- 
ourings among  them,  and  that  these  had  also  some- 
thing like  an  animal's  shape.  Probably  the  markings 
looked  like  winged  creatures  such  as  we  call  griffins. 
The  Hebrew  word  "cherub  "  or  "kroob"  is  the  same. 
These  pictures  were,  so  to  speak,  the  seat  on  which 
the  divine  companion  of  the  wandering  people  was 
ever  resting.  Since  Yahweh  was  believed  to  be  pres- 
ent where  the  casket  or  shrine  was,  so  he  was  said  to 
sit  upon,  abide  upon,  the  cherubs.  The  idea  may  be 
as  old  as  these  Davidic  and  Yahwistic  times. 

But,  again,  Yahweh  is  called  in  this  passage 
"  Yahweh  of  Hosts,"  which  means  "  He  who  is  to  es- 
tablish hosts,"  that  is  all  powers.^  Thus  the  passage 
before  us,  with  its  added  archaeological  note,  probably 
expresses  the  Yahwistic  faith  that  the  Hebrew  god, 
Yahweh,  whose  casket  was  being  brought  by  the  king 
to  his  new  sanctuary  was  the  superior  of  all  the 
Powers.  The  Yahwists  linked  to  their  conception  of 
the  monarchy  this  belief  that  their  god  was,  or  was 
to  prove  himself  almighty,  the  Lord  of  Lords. 

Just  following  this  story  of  the  casket,  and  the  in- 
terwoven ascription  of  all-power  to  Yahweh,  the  god 
of  David,  we  find  records  of  campaigns  wherein  this 
king  subdued  under  his  rule  all  Aram  in  the  north 
of  Palestine,  and  all  Edom  in  the  east  and  soutlieast. 
He  was  certainly  becoming  an  overlord,  which  sig- 
nified to  men  of  those  times  that  their  god  was  the 
over-Lord  over  the  deities  of  the  subdued  peoples. 

'  Cf.  Cheyne's  Origin  of  ike  Psalter,  p.  323 


RELIGION   OF   THE    YAHWISTIC  LITERATURE       33 

This  overlordship  was  one  of  the  ideals  of  the  Tah- 
wistic  writers,  as  we  see  also  in  their  story  of  Abram, 
in  which  the  faith  is  recorded  that  Yahweh  meant  to 
cause  Abram's  posterity  to  rule  over  all  the  territory 
from  the  Nile  to  the  Euphrates.  The  religious  sig- 
nificance of  this  faith  is  that  the  Yahwists  were  ris- 
ing from  belief  in  a  mere  tribal  god  to  the  conception 
of  one  who  controlled  all  powers.  This  is  certainly 
not  perfect  monotheism,  but  it  is  incipient  mono- 
theism. The  Yahwistic  writers  had  thus  reached  a 
fairly  high  theological  position.  They  dared  to 
think. 

The  Hebrew  people  were  to  prevail  over  the  world 
by  the  hand  of  the  Davidic  dynasty.  It  is  not  by 
any  means  the  largest  possible  view  of  divine  gov- 
ernment or  even  of  the  mission  of  a  people  :  but  it  is 
a  great  advance  from  pure  tribalism,  with  its  imset- 
tlement,  its  fears,  its  quarrellings  ;  and  it  is  the  herald 
of  the  ideas  of  world-empire  and  then  of  a  world-re- 
ligion. The  faith  of  the  exilic  writer  in  Isaiah  xlix. 
coming  in  the  far  distance  is  foreshadowed  by  the 
religion  of  the  Yahwists. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE   ETHICS    OF   THE   YAHWISTIC   SCHOOL 

What  were  the  ethics  of  these  Yahwists  ?  We  may 
set  clown  first  this  thesis :  the  Yah  wist  feels  that 
men  are  not  good  enough.  He  says  this  implicitly  in 
his  story  of  the  very  first  men.  They  rose  to  a  sense 
of  the  difference  between  right  and  wrong  :  and  the 
consequence  was  that  at  once  they  hid  themselves. 
They  were  conscious  that  they  had  sinned.  But  we 
may  set  the  same  fact  in  another  way,  saying  that 
they  were  conscious  of  an  ideal  that  was  far  above 
them.  They  felt  that  they  were  very  little  ;  their  god 
very  great  in  goodness.  This  means  that  they  pos- 
sessed a  standard  that  was  divinely  high. 

All  along  the  chant  of  the  story  there  seems  to 
play  an  accompaniment  of  mingled  nobility  and  sad- 
ness. The  writers  do  not  lecture  their  readers  or 
their  people,  as  the  Elohists  do  ;  nor  do  they  define 
duties  and  standards,  nor  pause  at  this  story  or  that 
to  add,  "See  what  a  sin  this  was."  Yet  the  reader 
constantly  feels  that  the  Yahwists  are  honestly  ac- 
knowledging the  evil  deeds  of  the  people  and  of  the 
greatest  men  among  them. 

Let  us  be  more  particular.  What  deeds  do  they 
thus  silently  regret  and  condemn  ?     They  are  : 

Want  of  reverent  submission  to  Yahweh,  such  as 

Adam,  Eve,    and   the   serpent  (Nahash)  showed   in 

Eden; 

34 


THE  ETHICS   OF  THE   YAHTTISTIC    SCHOOL       35 

The  selfishness  of  a  worshipper  like  Cain,  which 
could  turn  into  blood-feud, 

The  low  drunkenness  of  Noah  and  Lot,  and  the 
base  treatment  of  it  by  Canaan  and  the  daughters  of 
Lot ; 

The  unmanliness  toward  woman  that  Abram  and 
his  fellow-townsmen,  and  Lot  and  Reuben  and  Judah 
were  guilty  of ; 

The  small-hearted  ways  of  Isaac  ; 

The  tricks  and  deceits  practised  by  Isaac,  Rebecca, 
and  Jacob  ; 

The  cruelty  of  the  men  of  Sodom,  of  Simeon  and 
Levi,  of  the  ten  brothers  toward  Joseph  and  their 
aged  father,  of  Pharaoh  toward  all  the  Hebrews,  of 
Balaam  to  his  ass,  of  Joshua  to  Bezek,  as  of  Bezek 
to  many  others.  So  also  the  savage  methods  of 
Gideon,  Abimelech,  Samson,  the  Benjaminites,  and 
especially  of  Saul  and  of  David,  of  Abner  and  Joab, 
as  well  as  of  many  less  noted  persons ; 

The  unfaithfulness  found  in  Jacob  toward  Esau 
and  toward  Laban,  Avhile  Jacob  accused  Laban  of  the 
like  conduct ;  so  also  the  unfaithfulness  of  all  the 
nomad  people  to  their  leader. 

We  may  justly  say  that  fairly  high  ideals  were 
cherished  by  the  Yahwistic  writers  w^hen  they  con- 
demned these  deeds.  They  must  have  had  a  positive 
theory  of  goodness  as  opposed  to  such  conduct.  We 
may  formulate  their  moral  standard  thus  : 

They  loved  reverence  toward  deity,  and  to  leaders, 
to  tribal  solidity,  to  woman,  and  to  human  life.  They 
prized  generosity  toward  opponents,  whether  sepa- 
rated by  religion  or  by  nationality.     They  honoured 


36  THE  EARLY   NARRATIVE   LITERATURE 

chastity.     They    believed    in    truthfuhiess    and   in 
honesty. 

Tliese  are  not  mere  indirect  conclusions.  The  stor}^ 
exalts  high  character,  for  there  are  several  persons 
described  specially  as  noble  examples  of  goodness. 
Some  are  so  described,  although  the  same  persons  are 
also  condemned  when  they  fall  short.  So  Abram  is 
an  example  of  reverence.  Moses  is  a  model  of  brave 
patience,  and  of  devotion  to  his  people,  his  caravan 
of  feeble  and  ill-conditioned  wanderers.  How  gen- 
erously he  is  made  to  plead  for  them.  And  how 
great  souled  is  his  argument :  "  Not  for  my  sake,  nor 
for  their  sake,  O  Yahweh ;  but  that  thy  undoubted 
power  may  appear  to  all  nations !  "  How  manly  is 
his  scorn  for  the  imputation  that  he  could  ever  be  self- 
ish !  The  Yahwistic  story  does  not  accuse  Moses  of 
any  misconduct  as  the  reason  why  he  was  not  allowed 
to  enter  Canaan.  It  is  the  later  interpreters  who 
suggest  that.  The  Yahwists  simply  say  that  his  life- 
task  Avas  all  nomadic,  and  he  died  ere  it  was  ended. 
The  picture  and  the  ideal  are  the  record  of  a  high 
conception  of  duty  and  character.  Such  was  the  con- 
ception of  the  Yahwists.  Joseph's  character  is  an- 
other fine  record  of  this  ideal,  both  in  the  picture  of 
him  when  in  prison  and  so  worthily  trusted  with  over- 
sight, and  when  in  power  generously  forgiving  his 
brothers,  and  when  skilfully  caring  for  the  famine- 
stricken  Egyptian  nation.  The  conception  given  of 
his  brother  Judah  pleading  for  a  younger  brother  and 
the  old  father  is  fairly  worthy  to  stand  beside  the  pict- 
ure of  Joseph.  Caleb  is  a  noble,  wise  helper  of  the 
leader.     Even  Balaam,  in  our  story,  shows  devotion 


THE   ETHICS   OF  THE   YAHWISTIC   SCHOOL       37 

to  a  high  conception  of  his  deity.  Jonathan  is  beau- 
tifully worthy  of  all  the  love  that  David  can  express 
for  him.  David  himself,  king,  statesman,  physician, 
harpist,  warrior,  has  many  high  traits,  although  he 
can  be  so  cruel.  There  are  not  a  few  side  lights 
that  are  minor  in  importance  only  because  not  prom- 
inent. Quite  worthy  of  our  authors  are  the  glimpses 
we  get  of  them  in  their  little  sketches  of  Shem  and 
Japheth,  and  even  of  the  ventriloquist  w^oman  Avho 
fed  poor  Saul. 

But  the  grandest  conception  of  these  Yahwists  re- 
mains that  picture  of  Yahweh  as  manifest  to  Moses, 
which  is  already  mentioned  above.  There  we  set  it 
forth  as  a  feature  in  their  theology  :  here  we  must 
point  to  it  again  as  a  signal  utterance  of  their  own 
moral  quality.  That  idea  of  Yahweh  is  the  Yahwistic 
ideal  of  goodness.  It  is  as  if  they  said  "  The  highest 
possible  character  we  can  know  must  be  ever  com- 
passionate, ever  gracious,  patient,  loving,  and  forgiv- 
ing even  to  thousands  of  offenders."  Thoughts  such 
as  these  of  the  Yahwists  imply  a  noble  code  of  ethics 
for  that  age,  say  900  B.C.  Thus  we  are  led  at  once  to 
a  study  of  the  age  of  Great  Moral  Preachers,  which 
followed. 


PART   III 

THE  PROPHETS    OF    GOODNESS 

800  TO  700  B  c. 


INTKODUCTOKY 

The  material  with  which  we  build  is  a  series  of 
sermons,  brief  oracles  or  longer  discourses.  It  is, 
therefore,  best  to  begin  by  describing  and  analysing 
them.  We  shall  thus  gain  a  clearer  vision  of  the 
times,  the  people,  and  the  preachers.  Much  textual 
study  and  critical  adjustment  must  be  taken  for 
granted.^ 

After  examination  of  each  of  the  four  writers  or 
preachers,  we  shall  summarise  their  views  on  the 
various  points  that  interest  them,  and  then  examine 
how  these  are  connected  vitally  with  the  conditions 
which  we  have  just  seen  in  our  study  of  the  Yahwistic 
writers. 

'  Vide  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament^  by 
Professor  S.  R.  Driver,  7th  edition,  1897,  T.  &  T.  Clark.  Add 
the  Commentaries  there  named  :  Die  Kleinen  Propheten,  Ueber- 
setzung  mit  Anme^-kungen^  J.  Wellhausen,  1892.  Duhm  :  Theo- 
logie  d.  Propheten,  1875  ;  Das  Buch  Icsaia,  1892.  Cheyne : 
Polychrome  Isaiah^  1897  ;  Prophecies  of  Isaiah,,  2  vols.,  1880. 
Professor  G.  A.  Smith :  The  Twelve  (Lesser  Prophets),  1895. 
Also  the  Histories  of  Israel  or  of  Hebrew  Religion  by  Kittel,  Well- 
hausen, Sniend,  Stade,  Wiuckler,  and  the  present  writer,  may  be 
studied. 

38 


CHAPTER  I 

THE   PREACHING  OF  AMOS 

The  Herdsman  of  Tekoa,  and  Prophet  in  Samaria, 
about  750  B.C. 

As  we  take  in  our  hands  the  book  or  little  tract 
called  Amos,  there  rises  in  mind  a  scene  that  occurred 
more  than  twenty-six  hundred  years  ago. 

It  is  evening  on  the  open  market-place  of  a  royal 
city  and  sanctuary  in  the  kingdom  of  Israel.  The 
kingdom  is  small :  it  has  some  60,000  hereditary 
owners  of  farm  lauds,  and  therefore  the  whole  popu- 
lation may  be  half  a  million.  Their  whole  country 
is  about  100  miles  in  length  from  south  to  north  by 
75  miles  in  breadth  from  the  Mediterranean  coast 
eastward.  But  this  little  people  was  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  Hebrew  tribe  that  believed  in  the  tribal 
god  Yahweh,  their  fellow-tribesman,  father,  mighty 
protector. 

The  folk  were  comfortable  and  happy  and  had  been 
so  for  many  a  day  under  their  king,  Jeroboam  II. 
There  was  food  and  raiment  and  rest  for  man  and 
beast,  and  the  people  were  multiplying.  There  was 
a  good  import  trade  of  cattle  and  fruits  into  this 
royal  city  from  the  southern  sister  land  of  Judah, 
which  was  about  a  quarter  of  the  size  of  Israel. 

It  is  evening  on  that  market-square  in  the  fair 
39 


40  THE   PEOPITETS   OF   GOOD]Nrp:SS 

city  that  crowned  a  goodly  hill  and  rose  far  above  the 
plains  and  vineyards  on  the  hillsides.  As  we  watch, 
the  level  rays  of  sunset  are  striking  across  the  pin- 
nacles and  house-tops,  and  the  market-square  is  grow- 
ing dusk  within  its  wide  boundary  walls.  The  camp- 
fires  begin  to  fling  their  beams  and  shadows  across 
the  gathered  herds.  The  shepherds  and  merchants 
from  afar,  after  the  day  of  busy  traffic,  are  all  quieting 
for  rest.  Suddenly,  there  sounds  a  voice  above  all 
others.  It  is  a  solemn,  startling  cry,  full  of  stern  con- 
demnation and  warning.  There  is  manly  reasoning, 
too,  and  a  singularly  high  ideal  and  theory  quaintly 
touched  with  the  dreamy  ways  and  fantastic  fancies 
of  the  time.  What  is  it  all  about  ?  Who  is  he  ? 
And  w^ho  his  hearers,  and  what  his  sermon?  We 
shall  see  presently  what  he  preached  and  that  will  tell 
us  best  what  the  preacher  was  and  what  the  character 
of  his  hearers. 

But  first  of  all  w^e  must  gather  a  few  of  the  features 
of  the  times  from  the  general  history  of  the  people 
as  that  has  been  read  in  Hebrew  literature  as  a  whole, 
and  also  in  the  literature  of  neighbouring  peoples. 
Especially  must  we  go  to  Assyria,  the  imperial  nation 
which  so  often  invaded  and  subjugated  the  Hebrew 
lands,  and  which  besides  recorded  its  deeds  and  think- 
ing on  the  clay  tablets  of  its  great  libraries.  These 
we  are  now  able  to  see  and  read,  to  our  amazement, 
exactly  as  they  were  written  so  long  ago.  This  As- 
syrian literature  is  but  newly  discovered,  but  while  we 
possess  almost  no  Hebrew  document  that  is  more  than 
1,000  years  old,  these  Assyrian  MSS.  are  as  old  as  the 
times  they  speak  of.     Some  are  as  old  as  Amos  him- 


THE   PREACHING    OF    AMOS  41 

self,  the  prophet  of  2,600  years  ago,  and  none  of  them 
were  written  later  than  600  B.C. 

These  various  sources  and  reports  bring  us  into 
trouble  at  once  when  we  compare  them.  For  we 
find  that  during  this  century,  or  from  the  beginning 
of  it  in  800  B.C.  down  to  the  fall  of  Samaria  in  722, 
the  Hebrew  writers  would  have  us  believe  that  the 
sum  of  the  reigns  of  the  kings  of  Judah  was  twenty 
years  greater  than  that  of  the  kings  of  Israel.  Again, 
the  kings  of  Israel,  according  to  the  Hebrew  stories, 
reigned  twenty  years  longer  than  the  Assyrian  docu- 
ments say  they  did.  The  Assyrians  are  more  likely 
to  be  correct,  for  the  reason  that  their  MSS.  have 
lain  untouched,  unaltered  for  all  these  ages  ;  and 
that  they  kept  a  very  strict  calendar.  They  recorded 
their  dates  and  we  can  test  these  by  the  mention  they 
make  of  eclipses,  notably  of  a  great  one  which  fell  in 
the  year  763.'  Guided,  then,  by  the  best  comparative 
use  of  these  sources,  we  can  draw  out  the  table  of 
dates  given  here  upon  our  chart. 

But  now  pause  a  moment  at  that  eclipse  in  763. 
That  was  a  great  era  for  all  the  world,  as  it  would  be 
an  alarming  event  for  all  the  East.  We  remember 
the  important  events  : 

The  Greeks  reckoned  their  dates  by  Olympiads 
which  they  began  to  count  in  776  B.C.  So  the  Greeks 
began  to  think  with  exactness  about  this  time. 

The  Komans  counted  their  dates  from  the  Found- 
ing of  the  City  in  753  B.C.  :   therefore,  they  too  began 

'  G.  Smith's  Eponym  Canons  (Bagster,  London,  1875)  gives  the 
astronomical  details  of  this  Eclipse,  calculated  by  Mr.  Airy,  As- 
tronomer Royal. 


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THE  PREACHING   OF  AMOS  43 

to  see  themselves  in  these  years  and  to  count  their 
power. 

A  greater  birth  of  thought  burst  forth  in  the  little 
Hebrew  sister  lands  at  this  very  time.  About  760 
Amos  preached  in  Samaria,  or  "  Beth-El,"  and  in  740 
Hosea  also  began  there.  In  737  Isaiah  preached  in 
Jerusalem.  What  a  galaxy  of  light  in  the  middle  of 
that  eighth  century  ! 

Just  at  this  time  Assyria  was  putting  forth  from 
its  capital,  Nineveh,  a  more  vigorous  and  relentless 
effort  for  world  empire  than  ever  before.^  About  the 
year  800  B.C.  the  Assyrian  Eammannirari  III.  subdued 
all  Western  Syria,  and  especially  Damascus ;  and  also 
touched  Israel  slightly.  Damascus  had  been  the 
special  troubler  of  Samaria,  therefore  the  kingdom  of 
Israel  was,  to  some  extent,  freed  from  that  burden. 
The  next  Assyrian  kings  (Shalmaneser  III.,  782-772, 
and  Asurdan  III.,  772-753)  hit  Damascus  harder 
still,  perhaps  meaning  thus  to  open  up  thoroughly 
their  way  toward  the  west  and  south.  All  this 
allowed  Jeroboam  II.  to  reign  from  781-740  in  com- 
parative freedom  while  acknowledging,  perhaps,  the 
suzerainty  of  Assyria  in  some  easy  way.  So  the  first 
half  of  this  century,  or  about  800-740,  was  a  period 
of  prosperity  in  Israel  and  also  in  Judah. 

Experience  of  such  times  in  history,  and  notably 
experience  in  these  days  of  our  own  bids  us  expect 
just  the  moral  condition  that  we  find  common  in  the 
time  of  Amos.  In  the  midst  of  the  comforts,  suc- 
cesses, freedom  and  wealth  of  Jeroboam's  reign  there 
arose    some    of    the   hardest   economical  problems. 

'  See  Kittel,  History  of  Israel,  ii.,  250. 


44  THE   Pi:OPITETS   OF   GOODNESS 

There  grew  up  great  monopolies  of  land,  and  cruelties 
toward  the  landless.  There  was  nothing  that  could 
not  be  bought  and  sold.  Gain  must  be  got  at  all  costs. 
Religion  and  worship  grew  to  be  largely  a  self-grati- 
fication. The  sacred  feasts  described  above  as  solemn 
means  of  tribal  and  religious  fellowship,  became  revell- 
ings  where  the  strongest  got  most  and  paid  least. 
Drunkenness,  gluttony,  violence,  impurity  grew  in 
the  midst  of  religious  exercises.  The  worst  feature  in 
our  eyes  w^as  the  unchastity.  It  had  a  peculiarly  re- 
ligious origin  and  grew  to  be  fairly  devilish.  There 
were  modest  souls  who  had  high  ideals  and  noble  long- 
ings ;  but  these  were  pushed  to  the  wall.  The  meek 
and  the  feeble  were  crushed. 

The  Utterances  of  Amos, 

Now  we  shall  open  the  book  itself.  We  have  been 
presupposing  a  study  of  it  in  the  last  few  sentences. 

It  is  probable  that  Amos  wrote  out  his  sermons,  as 
we  have  them,  after  they  had  been  preached.  The 
steady  correctness  and  good  style  of  the  utterances 
favour  this  opinion.  It  is  quite  possible,  however, 
that  he  wrote  down  a  MS.  of  them  soon  after  he 
returned  to  his  southern  pastures,  and  perhaps  he 
himself  carried  this  back  to  Samaria  to  be  read  again. 
Some  one  possessed  a  copy  there  doubtless,  and  so 
Hosea  might  come  to  know  the  utterances  and  to  use 
them.     In  part  he  controverted  them. 

It  is  possible  to  detect  a  few  marginal  notes  or 
glosses  which  have  found  their  way  into  the  text  of 
Amos,  and  we  shall  omit  these  in  making  our  analy- 


THE   UTTERANCES   OF   AMOS  45 

sis.  But  on  the  whole  the  book  is  singularly  free 
from  such  alterations. 

The  book  properly  begins  at  ii.  6,  where  the  ser- 
mons to  Israel  open,  but  the  previous  section,  i.  1- 
ii.  3,  is  probably  Amos's  own  preface  to  the  whole. 
The  first  words  are,  "  It  is  from  Zion  that  Yahweh  is 
going  to  roar,  and  from  Jerusalem."  The  writer  is 
a  man  of  Judah.  And  we  may  suppose  that  he  could 
hardly  speak  these  things  aloud  in  Samaria. 

Then  he  arranges  w^onderfully  a  plea  for  a  hearing 
from  Israel.  He  counts  the  surrounding  peoples  in 
regular  order,  thus,  northeast,  southAvest,  northwest, 
southeast,  and  east ;  then  he  declares  that  they  have 
each  done  wrongs  upon  wrongs  and  therefore  Yah w  eh 
will  scourge  them.  The  list  of  wrongs  cited  gives 
Amos's  own  picture  of  the  state  of  morals  he  saw  about 
him.  The  wrongs  are  cruel  invasions  of  one  people 
by  another;  slave-hunting  by  one  tribe,  even  among 
a  neighbour  people  related  to  them  by  blood ;  implac- 
able hatreds ;  brutal  grasping  of  land ;  sacrilege  and 
irreverence.  Such  practices  were  common.  It  was 
not  formal  slips,  or  ceremonial  defects  that  Amos  saw 
and  struck  at.  He  concludes  each  charge  with  a  warn- 
ing that  is  not  quite  definite, — perhaps  he  dare  not  be 
definite — but  which  seems  to  say,  "  The  Assyrian  De- 
stroyer is  coming.     Yahweh  is  leading  him  hither." 

And  now  he  turns  to  Israel  (the  Judah  passage  is 
a  gloss)  and  he  cries,  "I  have  condemned  your 
neighbours,  now  I  turn  upon  you  ;  you  too  have  added 
wrong  on  wrong."  Here  begins  a  second  section  ii. 
G-16.  In  this  the  indictment  is  more  pointed.  It 
charges  the  Israelites  with   silencing   the  righteous 


46  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

and  robbing  the  unresisting  poor  of  their  few  rods  of 
ground.  Human  sympathy  is  quenched  in  greed 
that  pants  even  after  the  handful  of  dust  the  mourner 
throws  upon  his  head.  Men  violate  hapless  girls 
and  plunder  such  as  bring  to  temples  their  little 
gifts  of  garments,  or  choice  food,  as  tokens  of  their 
desire  to  atone  for  sin.  They  mock  and  mulct  the 
taxpayers.  In  cruelty  they  exercise  their  strength 
and  fear  no  retaliation. 

But  worse  than  this,  they  did  these  wrongs  at  the 
house  of  worship  and  at  the  feasts,  when  all  were 
supposed  to  eat  together  with  Yaliweh  in  mutual  trust 
and  happiness.  They  acted  as  if  Yahweh  liked  their 
ways,  as  if  their  character  were  his.  But  all  the 
time  over  against  their  cruelty  to  the  poor  stood  his 
kindness,  to  which  they  were  constant  witnesses.  In 
their  long  desert  wanderings  he  had  provided  them 
with  food,  and  in  spite  of  powerful  enemies  he  had 
given  them  possession  of  their  present  homes.  But 
he  has  given  them  still  higher  gifts ;  his  revelations 
and  inspirations,  through  his  representatives  the 
prophets.  Yet  by  efforts  to  silence  the  prophets  they 
had  tried  to  silence  Yahweh  their  god,  who  was 
ruler  of  hosts,  and  who  loved  them  as  his  own.  What 
was  sure  to  follow  ?  They  should  surely  be  crushed ; 
the  fugitives  should  barely  escape,  clothed  in  their 
own  nakedness. 

The  third  oracle,  iii.  1-8,  has  a  formal  opening 
which  is  thenceforward  often  used :  "  Hear  ye 
this."  And  now  we  have  certainly  one  of  those  cries 
by  the  evening  camp-fire,  or  uttered  to  noonday 
crowds. 


THE   UTTERANCES   OF   AMOS  47 

Amos  here  claims  a  right  to  speak  to  them  in  Yah- 
weh's  name ;  for  they  claim  to  be  his,  and  that  he 
and  they  are  one  in  all  joys,  dangers,  and  aims.  And 
surely  they  who  are  one  must  agree  in  their  thoughts 
and  plans  ;  therefore,  it  is  time  they  gave  heed  to  his 
mind  and  his  purpose.  Do  any  say  there  is  no  occa- 
sion for  alarm  ?  Look  at  the  cloud  on  yonder  hori- 
zon !  Hark  to  the  lion's  roar  from  the  slopes  of 
Lebanon!  Who  causes  that?  Does  not  Yahweh 
cause  all  things,  as  we  believe  ?  There  must  be  a 
cause  for  the  lion's  roar,  so  too  for  the  tread  of  ap- 
proaching armies,  for  the  troubled  faces  and  paled 
cheeks  in  their  midst.  Do  they  laugh  at  him  as  a 
fanatical  alarmist  ?  Do  they  not  all  believe  that 
Yahweh  talks  with  his  servants,  the  prophets  ?  Aye, 
that  whisper  of  his  can  be  heard  by  any  sensible 
man  who  will  but  hearken.  The  prophet  is  not  re- 
sponsible for  his  alarming  words.  "  The  Lord  God 
hath  spoken,  who  can  but  prophesy  ?  " 

The  fourth  oracle,  iii.  9-iv.  3,  is  the  sentence  of 
Yahweh  upon  Israel.  But  there  is  now  a  notable  ad- 
dition. Outsiders  are  able  as  well  as  Israelites  to  ap- 
preciate its  matter.  Amos  cries  it  aloud.  From  Sa- 
maria's hilltop  to  the  Philistine  coast  he  sends  it.  It 
is  to  run  to  all  men  far  down  the  great  caravan  road, 
even  to  Egypt.  He  summons  foreigners  to  witness 
the  tragedy  of  sin  and  its  doom.  "  Lo !  come,  judge 
ye,  and  see  this  people's  god  inspecting  them  and 
destroying  them ! "  From  highest  luxury  they  shall 
fall  to  uttermost  extremity.  They  are  lolling  on 
ivory  couches  ;  they  shall  hang  like  a  torn  shred  from 
the  fangs  of  a  ravenous  wolf.     Do  the  men  of  Israel 


48  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

retort,  "  What  have  foreigners  to  do  with  this  ?  Why 
add  such  publication  of  disgrace  to  the  pains  thou 
promisest  ?  What  have  Philistia  and  Egypt  to  do 
with  us,  that  they  should  come  to  look  and  laugh?" 
Amos  replies  that  their  god,  Yaliweh,  is  the  ruler  and 
god  of  all  peoples.  He  is  Lord  of  Hosts,  and  the  day 
of  declaration  of  his  overlordship  is  at  hand.  Here 
is  the  first  plain  declaration  that  Yahweh  is  overlord. 
The  belief  is  just  awakening.  We  saw  an  early  sugges- 
tion of  it  in  the  Yahwist's  story  of  David.  This  faith 
is  to  grow  by  and  by  to  a  clear  vision  that  there  is 
only  one  great  First  Cause.  This  is  the  beginning 
of  the  preaching  of  a  monotheistic  conception.  It  is 
important  to  notice  that  this  doctrine  arises  together 
with  a  faith  that  Yahweh  is  a  righteous  god.  The 
god  of  Amos,  who  insists  on  goodness,  is  the  god  who 
has  all  power  over  all.  Such  are  our  prophet's  grand 
corner-stones.  The  stream  of  his  denunciation  rushes 
on  to  its  keenest  bitterness  as  he  declares  that  the 
women  who  ought  to  breathe  out  tenderness  are  the 
instigators  to  crimes  and  sharers  in  drunken  orgies. 
The  apparent  worshippers,  also,  at  the  temples  and 
the  sacrificial  tables  go  thither  through  greed  of  eating 
and  drinking.  The  seemingly  tender  and  reverent 
are  harpies  and  gluttons.  Selfishness  is  everywhere 
triumphant. 

Chapter  iv.  4-13  constitutes  a  fifth  section.  The 
selfish  talk  as  if  Yahweh  were  at  their  gluttonous 
feasts  in  the  temples  at  Gilgal,  at  Bethel,  at  Beer- 
sheba  ;  but  they  know  themselves  that  that  claim  is 
false.  Amos  holds  indeed  that  their  god  is  always 
present.      They  remember  surely,  that  famine  just 


THE   UTTERANCES   OF   AMOS  49 

past ;  it  was  Yahweli  who  wrought  that.  It  was  his 
present  finger  that  destroyed  the  bread.  They  re- 
member that  recent  drought.  It  was  he  who  dried 
up  the  springs.  They  remember  the  plagues,  the 
fevers,  and  the  sores  they  have  suffered  from.  It 
was  he  who  inflicted  these.  That  pestilence  in  their 
army  was  his  work.  He  smote  the  young  flower  of 
the  troops  and  the  horses  that  they  died.  That  earth- 
quake !  He  did  that :  he  stamped  his  foot,  he  trod 
upon  the  hilltops.  He  came  seeking  worshippers 
in  the  high  places  where  his  altars  stand,  but  in 
anger  at  the  evil  he  shook  hills  and  land  and  over- 
turned their  cities.  And  yet  they  have  not  seen  him. 
Neither  have  they  bowed  in  fear,  nor  returned  from 
forsaking  Yahweh.  Now  Amos  reaches  one  of  his 
finest  heights.  He  speaks  with  manly  pleading.  He 
does  not  denounce,  or  pronounce  the  expected  sen- 
tence, but  he  pleads  with  them  to  face  Yahweh  in  all 
these  things,  to  look  and  see,  and  then  they  will  bow 
before  him  and  shall  become  truly  his  people.^ 

The  sixth  section  v.  1-15  is  the  climax  of  all  the 
oracles.  This  highest  and  centrally  characteristic 
utterance  of  the  man  is  almost  sublime  in  conception. 
We  may  best  catch  its  significance  by  regarding  it  as 
a  sort  of  dialogue  between  Amos  and  his  audience. 

He  cries,  "  Ye  die  :  scarce  a  tenth  shall  remain 
alive." 

They  reply,  "  Tell  us,  then,  what  to  do." 

He  answers,  "  Seek  Yahweh  the  creator,  the  life- 
giver,  seek  him  and  ye  shall  find  life." 

'  It  has  been  suspected  that  this  passage  is  not  from  Amos  :  but  a 
full  view  of  liis  tliinkiug  rather  justifies  its  genuineness. 


60  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

"Yes,  come,"  say  they,  "  let  us  hasten  to  the  sauc- 
tuaries." 

"  No,  no,"  cries  he.  "  Seek  not  these ;  not  Bethel, 
not  Gilgal.  Seek  not  temples;  seek  Yahweh  and 
live  !  " 

They  ask,  astonished  :  "  Is  he  not  there  ?  " 

Amos  answers,  "No!  for  you  pervert  the  truth, 
deceive  the  honest,  destroy  the  righteous,  kill  the  re- 
former.    Yahweh  will  not  be  seen  among  3"ou." 

Now  they  are  angry,  but  Amos  cries  the  more 
plainly  :  "  All  that  is  good  is  assailed  by  you.  You 
rob  and  are  luxurious;  you  revel  in  wrong.  You 
fight  against  the  just  and  against  all  justice,  and  even 
against  the  courts  of  justice.  Good  flies  from  you, 
therefore,  good  men  hide  from  you,  and  Yahweh  goes 
with  the  good  !  "  As  they  tremble,  he  says,  "  You 
see  the  only  way  to  Yahweh.  Find  Good,  and  ye 
shall  find  Yahweh  and  his  presence  shall  bring  you 
life."  This  is  remarkable.  Here  is  the  first  writing 
prophet,  and  his  kernel  thought  is  that  Yahweh  cares 
first  for  goodness  and  always  for  goodness.  The  su- 
preme god  and  life-giver  abides  where  goodness  is. 

The  next  section,  ch.  v.  16-vi.  14,  is  a  twofold  cry 
of  woe  to  those  who  clamour  for  "  Yahweh's  Day." 
Yahweh,  it  is  true,  is  not  in  the  sanctuaries ;  but  his 
Day  will  come,  when  his  way  shall  prevail  and  all 
things  be  righted.  Here  we  have  the  first  appear- 
ance of  a  belief  in  a  coming  Day  of  Judgment,  or 
at  least  the  germ  of  that  belief.  Amos  answers: 
that  day  will  be  a  day  of  blessing  to  the  good  only ; 
but  ye  are  not  good.  Let  righteousness  flow  as  a 
mighty  stream ;   then  shall  there  be  bliss :  but  the 


THE    UTTERANCES    OF   AMOS  51 

false  and  hypocrites  shall  be  flung  out  of  the  land, 
far  away  from  all  that  Yahweh  loves  and  can  bless. 
Here  emerges  the  idea  that  to  leave  the  land  and  soil 
of  Yahweh  is  to  be  separated  from  Yahweh's  pur- 
pose and  power  to  bless. 

Now  Amos  turns  to  another  and  an  opposite  class. 
"  Woe  also  to  them  who  laugh  at  these  and  say : 
*  Oh,  no,  let  not  the  day  of  Yahweh  come  ! '  "  They 
count  religion  a  gloomy  thing  and  Amos  a  gloomy 
man.  The  princes  of  Samaria  and  those  of  Jerusalem, 
too,  say  that  all  is  well  if  they  only  keep  up  the 
national  forms  of  worship.  Are  they  not  all  comfort- 
able in  mind  and  estate?  They  wish  to  hear  no 
more  of  the  complaints  of  this  troubler.  How  shall 
the  prophet  meet  this  sort  of  ungodliness  ?  He  racks 
his  soul  for  argument.  Then  in  agony  of  mind  he 
cries  :  "Yahweh  takes  oath  by  himself — what  can  be 
sure,  if  this  be  not !  Yahweh  swears  that  as  surely 
as  there  is  a  god,  so  surely  shall  all  this  godless  ease 
go  down  iu  ruin."  He  paints  a  fearful  picture  of 
a  plague.  The  dead  cart  will  roll  through  the  de- 
serted streets  until  every  voice  is  still  in  death,  or 
hushed  in  terror  lest  any  utterance  of  Yahweh's  name 
may  wake  again  his  avenging  wrath. 

Section  vii.  1-viii.  3.  Amos  sees  in  vision  the  gra- 
cious Yahweh  answering  prayer,  granting  forgiveness 
and  averting  famine  and  a  great  fire.  But  at  last  the 
grace  of  Yahweh  is  declared  exhausted  :  there  can 
be  no  mor^  forgiveness  for  Israel. 

At  this  point  the  great  priest,  Amaziah,  interferes. 
"  Out  with  the  puritan  prophet  from  King  Jeroboam's 
kingdom!     Let  him  away  to  the  southern  despised 


52  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

Judali  to  preach  there,  if  so  he  thinks  to  gain  pence 
and  bread  from  the  folk  he  frightens."  This  manner 
of  accusation  is  thus  ancient  as  well  as  modern. 
The  reply  of  Amos  is  so  awful  in  its  cursing,  that  we 
dare  scarcely  describe  it.  The  foundation  of  it  is 
however  confidence  in  the  man's  soul  that  he  has  had 
personal  fellowship  with  god.  He  feels  he  has  no 
formal  or  hereditary  prerogative.  He  knows  only 
that  his  soul  is  moved,  beyond  all  power  of  resist- 
ance, to  condemn  the  wrongs.  That  moving  is  to 
him  Yahweh's  moving.  The  reply  shows  once  more, 
also,  how  Amos  counts  Hebrew  soil  as  the  only  place 
where  life  can  be  really  clean,  godly,  and  happy. 

The  prophet  now  hastens  on  to  another  picture  of 
Yahweh's  revelation,  a  vision  of  judgment  to  come. 
Even  the  temples  of  Yahweh  shall  be  smitten  to 
ruin. 

The  last  section  of  oracles  runs  from  viii.  4-ix.  10,^ 
and  is  a  summary  recapitulation  of  all  we  have  al- 
ready heard  ;  a  cry  of  indignation  at  the  suffering  of 
the  feeble  and  the  landless,  a  threat  that  there  shall 
be  an  eclipse,^  a  prediction  also  that  there  shall  be 
floods  and  fierce  plagues;  and  amid  all  this  there 
shall  be  a  wailing  reminding  men  of  the  story  of 
Egypt's  loss  of  its  first-born.  Yet  the  worst  suffering 
shall  be  hunger  for  an  oracle.  The  prophet's  voice 
shall  be  heard  no  more  speaking  in  the  name  of  Yah- 
weh, neither  in  this  royal  city  nor  in  the  sanctuaries, 
from  the  farthest  north  at  Dan  to  the  farthest  south 

'  The  remaining  verses  are  evidently  a  post-exilic  appendix. 
'  This  very  significant  mention  of  an  eclipse  is  one  reason  why 
we  are  led  to  tliink  tliat  Amos  lived  and  spoke  about  7G0  B.C. 


THE   UTTEKANCES   OE   AMOS  53 

at  Beerslieba.  The  warning  draws  to  an  end  with  the 
oracle  that  there  can  be  no  escape  at  all  from  Yah- 
weh's  stroke,  either  in  earth  or  sea  or  in  the  dark  re- 
gion below  where  the  dead  lie  hidden,  silent  but  con- 
scious of  their  awful  lot.  Such  conception  of  a  dark 
abode  of  the  dead,  and  the  belief  in  the  continuance 
of  ghostly  life  there  were,  therefore,  quite  current  in 
the  time  of  xlmos  and  his  hearers. 

And  now  we  start,  almost  with  horror,  at  his  last 
words.  We  may  call  them  the  gospel  of  Amos,  for 
they  tell  us  how  he  thought  the  world  was  to  be  made 
clean  from  all  sin.  He  writes :  "  All  the  sinners  of  my 
people  shall  die  by  the  sword."  A  terrible  gospel ; 
yet  how  firm  is  the  faith  in  coming  cleanness  every- 
where. 

Such  are  the  oracles  of  Amos.  We  shall  gather 
their  great  faiths  in  summary  when  we  have  analysed 
the  other  great  prophets  who  followed  immediately 
after  him.  But  we  may  point  out  here  that  in  one 
sense  Amos  was  the  greatest  of  the  four — greater  than 
even  Isaiah — for  he  led  the  way.  He  rose  as  the 
first  to  deny  in  writing  the  national  doctrine  of  sac- 
rifices and  sanctuaries.  First  and  alone  he  faced  peo- 
ple, princes,  and  priest  with  inflexible  demands  for 
reform. 


CHAPTEK  II 

THE   PROPHET  HOSEA 
740  TO  720  B.C. 

Amos  preached  amid  the  successful  days  of  King 
Jeroboam  II.  of  the  north  and  of  King  Uzziah  of  the 
southern  State.  Jeroboam  died  probably  in  the 
year  740  B.C. :  then  at  once  began  a  long  succession 
of  political  revolutions. 

We  read  of  the  frequent  changing  of  kings  in  Ho- 
sea's  prophecies.     ^.^.,  in 

vii.    7,  "  All  their  kings  have  fallen." 
viii.    4,  ''They  make  kings." 
X.    3,  "We  have  no  king." 
xiii.  10,  *•  Where  is  thy  king?  "     "  We  have  no  king." 

So,  too,  the  book  tells  of  frequent  appeals  to  the 
court  of  Assyria  for  help.     E.g.,  in 

V.  13,  "  Ephraim  went  to  Assyria  "  ; 
vii.  11,  **  Ephraim  goes  to  Assyria  "  ; 
viii.    9,  **  They  went  oif  to  Assyria  "  ; 
xiv.    4,  "  They  will  say  '  Assyria  is  not  going  to  help  us.* " 

The  story  in  2  Kings  xv.  19  records  that  "  Pul  {i.e., 
Tiglath-pileser  III.,  745-727  B.C.),  king  of  Assyria, 
came  against  the  land  .  .  .  and  Menahem  (king 
of  Israel)  gave  Pul  a  thousand  talents  of  silver 
(£375,000  =  $1,875,000)    .     .     .    to  confirm  the  king- 

54 


THE   PROPHET  HOSEA  55 

dom  in  his  hands."  In  the  Assyrian  records  we  read 
that  Tiglath-pileser  in  the  eighth  year  of  his  reign, 
i.e.,  in  738  B.C.,  "  took  tribute  of  Menahem  of  Sama- 
ria and  of  Hiram  of  Tyre  and  of  Kezin  of  Damas- 
cus." 

From  these  statements  we  have  sufficient  evidence 
that  those  were  troubled  times.  Hosea's  frequent 
notes  of  these  anarchic  conditions  as  given  above — and 
we  shall  find  many  more  of  them — suggest  that  he  was 
intimately  acquainted  with  governmental  affairs.  Ho- 
sea  was  a  man  of  the  court,  and  in  this  respect,  as  in 
others,  was  very  different  from  Amos.  The  story  of 
those  revolutions  and  regicides,  of  terrors  at  the  court 
and  sufferings  in  the  whole  country,  is  somewhat  as 
follows : 

Jeroboam  II.  died  in  740  B.C.,  after  a  long  and 
comfortable  reign  ;  his  son  Zachariah  succeeded  him.^ 
But  this  son  ruled  only  six  months.  He  was  murdered 
by  one  Shallum,  who  hatched  a  conspiracy  and  procured 
a  fellow  called  Qobolam^  to  assassinate  Zachariah. 
Hosea  must  have  known  all  about  this  horrid  deed,  and 
he  saw  this  Shallum  made  king  in  Samaria.  There  is 
good  reason  for  thinking  that  the  Egyptian  court  had 
something  to  do  with  this  conspiracy.  We  shall  soon 
see  how  thoroughly  they  were  plotting  to  wrest  Pales- 
tine to  themselves  from  the  overlordship  of  Assyria. 
Jeroboam  II.  had  evidently  been  a  faithful  ally  or 
even  vassal  of  Assyria,  and  probably  there  was  an  ill- 
natured  party  always  stirring  up  dislike  of  Assyria 

'  See  2  Kings  xv.  8,  10. 

'  A.  V.  and  R.  V.  ascribe  the  deed  directly  to  Shallum,  and  trans- 
late Qoholam  "before  the  people."     2  K.  xv.  10. 


56  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

and  of  Jeroboam  because  of  his  fealty.  It  was  Jero- 
boam's strength  that  had  held  this  treachery  in  check  ; 
but  under  his  son  the  mischief-makers  succeeded,  and 
King  Zachariah  was  assassinated.  The  writer  of  2 
Kings  XV.  believes  that  this  usurpation  was  a  judg- 
ment on  the  royal  house  because  of  their  ancestor 
Jehu's  usurpation  of  the  throne,  a  hundred  years  be- 
fore. We  shall  find  that  Hosea  agrees  with  this  opin- 
ion ;  both  writers  expect  judgment  to  fall  on  the 
royal  house  for  this  sin.  And  yet  Elisha,  another 
prophet  who  lived  in  Jehu's  time,  had  directed  this 
very  usurpation.  The  new  king  Shallum  had,  how- 
ever, a  powerful  rival.  Shallum  lived  in  Samaria,  the 
capital  city  of  the  kingdom.  But  the  town  or  fortress 
of  Tirzah  had  been  the  capital  in  earlier  days ;  many 
kings  had  reigned  there  before  Samaria  was  built. 
In  Tirzah  there  was  evidently  a  set  of  honourable  peo- 
ple, soldiers,  one  of  whom  was  named  Men  ahem,  ?.e., 
"  the  man  who  greatly  compassionates."  He  was 
evidently  from  the  east  of  Jordan,  for  he  is  called 
"ben-Gadi,"  and  he  sometimes  led  about  a  troop  of 
Gileadites,  i.e.,  of  East  Jordan  men.  This  officer 
learned  of  Shallum 's  deed  of  usurpation,  and  marched 
at  once  on  Samaria  and  overthrew  him  after  one 
month  of  his  kingship.  Menahem  was  himself  at  once 
raised  to  the  throne.  A  picture  of  these  troubles  is 
drawn  in  Hosea  vii. 

By  these  movements  the  Assyrian  party  came 
again  into  power.  The  Assyrian  emperor  knew  how 
to  suck  the  blood  of  the  strife-racked  little  nation. 
We  have  heard  above  how  he  charged  Menahem  a 
thousand  talents,  i.e.,  nearly  $2,000,000,  or  £375,000 


THE   PROPHET   HOSEA  57 

for  confirming  him  on  his  throne.  Every  farmer  in 
the  little  land  had  to  pay  $31,  i.e.,  £6  4s.  Farm- 
ing was  all  the  business  of  the  people,  either  in  vine- 
culture,  corn-growing,  or  cattle-raising.  Since  each 
family  was  taxed  this  $31,  there  must  have  been 
only  60,000  such  families,  or  a  population  of  300,000. 
This  is  counting  five  persons  to  a  family  ;  but  even 
with  ten  persons  to  a  family,  which  is  an  extreme 
average,  there  would  be  a  population  of  only  600,000 
in  the  whole  country. 

We  can  imagine  the  suffering  such  a  tax  w^ould 
cause.  It  would  shorten  the  food  of  every  worker 
and  weaken  his  strength ;  it  would  deprive  him  of 
seed-corn  and  of  water  for  irrigation  which  had 
to  be  pumped  or  carried  to  the  fields ;  the  soil  would 
become  less  productive,  the  harvests  feebler  ;  and  one 
year  of  weakened  tillage  would  mean  increased  weak- 
ness next  year.  Such  revolutions  and  invasions  and 
tributes  meant  agrarian  loss,  then  gloom,  discontent, 
more  rebellion,  and  so  further  loss.  All  this  explains 
clearly  Hosea's  preaching  in  ch.  ii.,  that  Yahweh,  their 
own  real  baal,  or  god  who  fertilises  and  gives  all 
fruit,  will  take  away  the  corn  and  the  wine  in  their 
season  and  will  blow  away  the  wool  and  flax. 

There  is  a  passage,  ch.  x.  5,  that  illustrates  well 
the  trouble  caused  by  the  tribute.  This  says  that  the 
inhabitants  of  Samaria  are  growing  anxious  about  an 
ox-like  image.  Now  this  image  was  their  sanctuary. 
Suppose  we  to-day  were  condemned  to  send  away  as 
tribute  our  treasured  works  of  religious  art  and  sup- 
pose these  emblems  were  virtually  the  whole  of  our 
sanctuaries !     Do  we  wonder  that   those   people  la- 


58  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

mented  when  they  sent  away  the  gold-topped,  ox-head- 
ed pillar  against  which  they  slew  their  victims  for  the 
commensal  feasts  ?  We  speak  rather  of  communion 
feasts  to-day,  but  these  are  not  unlike  those.  Every 
one  among  people,  priests,  princes,  prophets,  and 
Hosea  too,  were  excited  and  lamenting  when  even 
this  bit  of  precious  treasure  was  carried  away  to 
Assyria,  or  perhaps  to  Egypt.^ 

Amid  such  troubles  it  is  no  wonder  that  Menahem's 
reign  was  not  very  long.  The  unhappiness  and  dis- 
content would  become  patriotic  dissatisfaction  with 
the  manager  of  the  nation :  they  would  say  the  As- 
syrian patronage  was  too  dearly  bought.  The  pro- 
Egyptian  party  would  eagerly  foment  this  discon- 
tent and  would  do  their  best  to  produce  popular 
mutiny.     They  succeeded  ere  long. 

But  there  was  a  nearer  unfriendly  people.  A 
record  by  Tiglath-pileser  III.  tells  us  in  the  Assyr- 
ian's own  words  that,  "Nineteen  districts  of  the  town 
Hamath  (z.e.,  the  district  of  Syria)  ...  on  the 
sea  .  .  .  which  in  their  faithlessness  made  revolt 
to  Azrijahu,  I  added  to  the  territory  of  Assyria." 
Azrijahu  is  Uzziah-Azariah,  king  of  Judali ;  and 
his  court,  under  his  son  Jotham's  regency,  were  an- 
noying Assyria  and  were  fomenting  insurrection  in 
Syria.  This  defiance  of  Assyria  by  the  little  king- 
dom of  Judah  must  have  seemed  a  taunt  to  Israel, 
and  a  call  to  the  anti- Assyrians  in  Samaria  to  revolt, 
and  even  to  depose  their  king  Menahem,  who  was  an 
Assyrian  dependent. 

'  "MuQur  (Egypt)  and  its  Arab  King,"  says  Encyc.  Bib.  on  the 
name  Jareh 


THE   PROPHET  HOSEA  59 

After  a  brief  rule,  lasting  from  740  to  737,  Mena- 
hem  died  a  natural,  but  probably  a  premature  death. 
Read  in  illustration  of  the  troubles  he  bore,  Hos. 
vii.  5.  "  On  our  king's  royal  day  the  princes  were 
sick  with  wine-fever.  .  .  .  Like  an  oven  was 
their  mind  with  cunning.  Their  rage  slept  all  night, 
but  in  the  morning  it  burst  out  like  a  smouldering  fire." 
Menahem's  son,  Pekahiah,  succeeded,  but  ruled  two 
years  only.  The  revolutions  were  not  ended  yet. 
Hosea  shows  us  how  the  two  great  parties,  pro-As- 
syrian and  pro-Egyptian,  were  cunningly  carrying  on 
their  coquetries  and  conspiracies,  so  ominous  for  any 
country  that  is  fated  to  be  placed  thus  between  two 
strong  imperial  rivals.  See  Hos.  vii.  11,  "  Ephraim 
is  like  a  simple,  silly  dove  :  they  cry  to  the  Egyptians, 
they  go  to  the  Assyrians."  A  conspiracy  against 
poor  Pekahiah  was  not  long  in  culminating.  The 
arch  -  conspirator  was  the  king's  own  captain  of 
soldiery,  his  so-called  "  Third  Man,"  by  name  Pekah, 
one  who  had  thus  a  title  very  like  the  king's  own. 
He  was  also  called  Ben-Remal-Tah.  The  king  fell, 
killed  apparently  in  a  broil  close  to  the  palace  ;  and 
with  him  fell  also  a  faithful  body-guard  of  fifty  men 
from  East  Jordan  who  had  doubtless  been  family 
retainers  of  King  Menahem  the  Gadite  and  his  son 
in  their  old  eastern  home. 

Pekah-ben-Remal-Yah  took  the  government  735 
B.C.  He  now  showed  still  more  fully  his  talent  for 
conspiracy,  for  he  began  the  so-called  Syro-Ephra- 
imitic  war  against  Judah  and  its  King  Ahaz. 

Azariah  and  Jotham  were  gone.  Ahaz  became 
king  at  the  same  time  as  Pekah,  in  735.     This  prince 


60  THE  PROPHETS    OF   GOODNESS 

of  Judali  seems  to  Lave  felt  shy  about  keeping  up 
his  grandfather's  opposition  to  Assyria  and  to  As- 
syrian overlordship  over  Palestine.  But  Pekah  had 
won  the  throne  because  he  was  anti-Assyrian ;  so 
he  joined  in  a  confederation  with  Syria  against  As- 
syria and  against  the  pro- Assyrian  Ahaz  of  Judah. 
Isaiah's  contempt  for  this  confederation  is  expressed 
in  Isa.  viii.,  where  the  great  prophet  warns  the  men 
of  Judah  not  to  join  it.  The  conspiring  kings, 
Pekah  of  Samaria  and  Rezin  of  Damascus,  had  asked 
Ahaz  to  join  them  and  to  fight  against  Assyria  as 
his  grandfather  had  done.  Ahaz  wisely  refused. 
"  Then,"  said  they,  "  we  will  march  on  Jerusalem  and 
depose  you  and  set  Tobh-El  (the  deity's  pleasure) 
on  the  throne."  Hosea's  book  may  contain  some 
references  to  these  troubles,  but  there  is  nothing  that 
we  can  regard  as  such  so  definitely  as  we  recognise 
his  mention  of  Menahem's  conflicts.  This  suggests 
that  Hosea  wrote  before  these  events  in  Judali 
734  B.C. 

Ahaz  went  to  Damascus  to  meet  the  Assyrian  em- 
peror Tiglath-pileser,  carrying  a  large  tribute  to  him  ; 
and  soon  after  this  Damascus  fell  before  the  As- 
syrians. The  fair  Syrian  city  was  harried  again  and 
again  between  734  and  732  B.C.  Rezin,  king  of 
Syria,  was  thus  at  length  utterly  silenced.  Tiglath- 
pileser  ravaged  all  the  northern  districts  of  Palestine, 
Galilee  to  the  west  and  Gilead  eastwards.  Mean- 
while Pekah,  prince  of  Samaria,  had  grown  so  weak 
that  a  conspiracy  against  him  in  the  Assyrian  interest 
had  speedy  success.  Perhaps  the  conspirators'  aim 
was  to  turn  away  Tiglath-pileser's  anger :  certainly 


THE   PROPHET   HOSEA  61 

the  city  was  saved  from  immediate  ruin,  while  Pekah 
was  deposed.  Strangely  enough,  we  read  that  the 
head  of  the  new  conspiracy  was  named  Hosea.  He 
is  also  called  "ben-El,"  or  "ben-Elah,"  which  means 
either  that  he  was  a  son  of  a  god,  i.e.,  a  godly  man, 
or  that  he  was  of  the  family  bearing  the  name  "  Tere- 
binth," and  the  latter  name  may  mean  the  same  as 
ben-Beeri,  i.e.,  "  member  of  a  family  dwelling  by  a 
well."  In  either  case  Hosea  the  prince  may  have 
been  the  same  as  Hosea  the  prophet.  The  prophet 
Hosea  was  a  man  of  the  court  as  we  have  seen  ;  and 
perhaps  he  was  now  moved  by  his  own  judgment, 
and  urged  on  by  others  to  lay  hold  of  the  govern- 
ment in  the  name  of  Yahweh.  The  writer  of  the 
books  of  Kings,  who  is  a  man  of  Judah,  gives  a  high 
religious  character  to  this  king  Hosea,  and  says  that 
he  ruled  in  quietness,  doubtless  by  acknowledging 
Assyrian  suzerainty,  from  733  to  727.  Then  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.  died  and  was  succeeded  in  Ass^^ian  rule 
by  Shalmaneser  lY.  This  prince  marched  westward 
and  was  duly  honoured  by  king  Hosea  with  large 
presents,  these  being,  no  doubt,  the  tokens  and 
promise  of  a  continuance  to  the  new  emperor  of  the 
tribute  paid  to  his  predecessor. 

Events  on  the  Upper  Nile  or  in  Arabian  mu9ur,  now 
left  a  southern  prince  So  or  Sewe  ( Sabako  ?)  ^  free  to 

■  The  author  leans  somewhat  to  the  prevailing  and  traditional  view 
of  the  political  relation  between  Israel  and  Egypt  at  this  time.  It 
should,  however,  be  stated  that  Hi/go  Winckler  has  advanced  evi- 
dence in  his  Article  :  Mucri.,  etc.,  which  to  several  scholars,  and  to 
myself,  is  conclusive  against  it.  The  "  conspiracy  "  of  2  Kings  xvii. , 
4  f.  was  with  the  NoHh  Arabian  land  Mw-ri  (not  J/ij-raiTW-Egypt). 
The  So,  or  Sewe,  spoken  of  is  not  Sabako^  with  whom  he  has  been 


62  THE   TROPIIETS   OF   GOODNESS 

turn  agaiu  to  plots  in  the  Asiatic  direction.  He  man- 
aged to  win  the  king  Hosea  so  far  that  an  Israelitish 
embassy  was  sent  to  him.  Hosea  failed  in  that  same 
year  to  send  his  tribute  to  Nineveh.  Perhaps  he  and 
his  half  million  people  had  not  enough  tribute  for  two 
suzerains ;  not  enough  ravin  for  two  wolves !  2  Kings 
xvii.  3-6  tells  us  much  about  this  and  says  :  "  The 
king  of  Assyria  found  conspiracy  in  Hosea  in  that  he 
sent  messengers  to  So,  prince  of  Mu9ri,  and  did  not 
cause  a  gift  to  go  up  to  the  king  of  Assyria  year  by 
year.  So  the  king  of  Assyria  shut  him  up  and  held 
him  as  a  prisoner  in  the  house  of  detention."  When 
we  read  immediately  afterward  that  the  Assyrians 
then  invaded  Israel  and  besieged  Samaria  for  three 
years,  we  cannot  help  thinking  that  the  king  Hosea 
must  have  been  submitting  to  the  Assyrian  against 
his  people's  will.  We  may  conclude  that  Hosea  did 
not  really  rebel ;  but,  while  anxious  to  obey  his 
suzerain,  he  was  helpless  against  the  anti-Assyrian, 
pro  -  Egyptian  or  "  Southern "  party  among  the 
people. 

Hosea  ended  his  life  probably  in  a  prison-house, 
or  in  some  sort  of  confinement  in  Nineveh.  There  he 
must  have  heard  how  for  three  years  his  people  were 
able  to  resist  Shalmaneser  lY.,  who  was  not  one  of 
the  strongest  of  Assyrian  monarchs.  But  when  Shal- 
maneser died  in  722  B.C.,  his  successor  Sargon  knew 

commonly,  though  not  witliout  hesitation  identified,  but  Sib^e^  tlie 
tartan  of  7*i>'u,  the  King  of  Mu^'ri.  Philistia,  Judah,  Edom  and 
Moab,  as  we  learn  from  an  inscription  of  Sargon  II.,  gave  pres- 
ents to  this  same  Pir'u  hoping  to  secure  his  co-operation  against 
the  Assyrian  king.  —  [Craig.] 


THE   UTTERANCES   OF   HOSEA  63 

how  to  end  at  once  the  long  siege.  He  took  the 
city,  destroyed  it  utterly,  and  ruined  the  northern 
kingdom  of  Israel  forever,  carrying  captive  many  of 
its  people  and  transplanting  colonies  of  foreigners 
into  the  utterly  subjugated  land.  Such  a  terrible 
end  of  his  people,  the  people  of  Yahweh,  must 
have  brought  sadness  over  the  last  days  of  the  tender 
prophet,  whether  he  were  king  or  not,  whose  oracles 
had  always  been  full  of  faith  that  Yahweh  would 
spare  and  make  Israel  flourish  as  the  vine,  blossom 
as  the  rose,  and  lift  her  head  as  the  glorious  cedars  of 
Lebanon.  It  will  be  seen,  as  we  now  proceed  to  read 
the  oracles,  how  essential  to  the  understanding  of 
them  is  this  view  of  his  circumstances. 


The  Utterances  of  Hosea. 

If  the  times  were  hard  for  the  people  to  bear  and 
also  difficult  for  us  to  unravel,  Hosea's  book  is  almost 
a  riddle  to  analyse  into  any  orderly  plan,  or  even  to 
translate  fully  into  our  own  language.  It  has  been 
much  more  injured  in  its  transmission  than  has  the 
book  of  Amos.  Again  and  again  passages  occur  in  it 
which  the  careful  Hebraist  must  simply  pass  as  un- 
translatable. There  are  clearly,  also,  many  passages 
added  by  readers  as  marginal  remarks,  and  incorpor- 
ated later  into  the  body  of  the  text  by  careless  copyists. 
If  Hosea,  as  king,  was  taken  prisoner  to  Nineveh,  when 
his  city  and  state  were  ruined,  it  is  easy  to  suppose 
that  all  we  possess  of  his  oracles  must  have  been  pre- 
served with  difficulty.  He  or  a  friend  seems  to  have 
written  out  carefully  chapters  i.-iii.,  and  these  we 


64  THE   PROPHETS   OF  GOODNESS 

can  easily  understand.  But  nearly  the  whole  of 
chapters  iv.-xiv.  seems  like  a  collection  of  fragment- 
ary and  disconnected  sayings  preserved  by  memory 
or  from  notes,  made  either  before  or  after  delivery  by 
the  prophet,  or  possibly  by  some  one  else  who  heard 
the  discourse. 

In  spite  of  all  these  difficulties,  analysis  of  all  the 
sayings  is  possible.  Chapters  iv.-ix.  7  are  oracles  of 
direct  condemnation,  describing  the  wrongs  done  by 
government  and  abetted  by  princes  and  priests.  This 
is  followed  by  an  apparent  reference  (ix.  8,  9)  to  the 
laughter  of  some  who  heard  him.  They  are  amazed 
by  the  seeming  madness  of  this  good  "  man  of  the 
spirit,"  as  they  tauntingly  call  him. 

In  ch.  ix.  10-xi.  6  follow  a  series  of  lessons  from 
the  past,  referring  to  pre-Egyptian  and  Egyptian 
days,  the  Exodus,  and  the  founding  of  the  kingdom. 
The  Yahwist's  story  is  implied  as  well  known.  The 
close  in  ch.  xi.  7-11  is  an  outburst  of  faith  in  the  love 
of  Yahweh,  which  is  far  beyond  all  that  their  past 
theories  would  lead  them  to  expect.  It  is  a  cry  of 
uncontrollable  yearning,  and  also  of  faith  in  Yahweh's 
love  and  his  salvation  yet  to  come. 

Next  come  in  cc.  xii.  and  xiii.  pictures  of  the 
everyday  conduct  of  men,  especially  in  merchanting ; 
with  a  final  avalanche  of  condemnation  and  a  sum- 
mons to  all  the  powers  of  evil  to  help  in  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  nation.  This  is  closed  by  chapter  xiv.,  or 
at  least  vss.  1-9  much  as  were  sections  iv.-ix.  7  and 
ix.  10-xi.  6.  The  words  are  another  cry  of  tenderness 
in  the  form  of  a  moving  plea  by  Yahweh,  a  peniten- 
tial answer  by  the  people,  and  then  a  gracious  prom- 


THE  UTTEKANCES   OF  HOSEA  65 

ise  of  blessing,  figured  as  delightful  fertility  in  all 
fruits  and  floAvers  and  trees. 

We  may  now  look  at  the  oracles  in  closer  detail. 
And  first  we  analyse  chaps,  i.-iii. 

The  title  is  not  from  Hosea's  hand ;  it  makes  mis- 
takes about  his  date.  The  remainder  of  the  chapter 
brings  us  into  the  third  great  difficulty  in  the  study 
of  Hosea,  viz. :  his  personal  experiences  in  his  home. 
The  description  of  Hosea  is  given  as  if  by  another ; 
it  may,  however,  have  been  written  by  himself  descrip- 
tively out  of  some  degree  of  modesty.  It  is  a  sad  story 
twice  retold  in  ii.  and  iii.  Hosea's  wife  had  been  un- 
faithful. He  is  a  true  Semite  in  his  belief  in  abso- 
lute Providence  in  all  aftairs.^  Hosea,  therefore,  had 
no  doubt  that  Yahweh  ordained  and  caused  his  troub- 
led experience.  Whether  or  not  the  events  happened 
as  pictured,  we  need  not  inquire ;  Hosea  sees  that 
this  picture  of  a  sad  home  might  very  adequately 
be  used  for  teaching  purposes.  The  relation  hitherto 
held  by  Semites  to  be  essential  between  a  people 
and  its  deity  and  its  land  was  beginning  to  be  dis- 
trusted. Troubles  were  coming  which,  according  to 
the  old  faith,  should  never  come.  Some  part  of  the 
union  of  three  partners,  deity,  people,  land,  was  fail- 
ing. The  people  were  not  getting  due  support  from 
the  land.  They  were  beginning  to  think  that  their 
old  deity  was  not  so  good  a  baal,  or  land  owner 
and  fertiliser,  as  they  needed.  They  would  try  an- 
other one  of  the  hcials^  or  several  others.  The  land, 
so  the  picture  puts  it,  would  try  another  divine  part- 

'  Mohammed's  Islamic  doctrine  of  fate  is  only  a  logical  utterance 
of  genuine  Semitism. 


66  THE   PROPIIKTS   OF   GOODNESS 

ner.  So  the  land  is  adulterous.  And  "the  land" 
is  not  so  much  an  expression  for  "  the  people,"  as  it 
is  really  the  same  as  the  people ;  to  a  Semite  they 
were  all  one  organic  living  whole. 

But  now  observe  a  fair  feature  of  Hebrew  home- 
life.  They  used  to  call  their  children  by  names 
which  were  little  sentences  expressing  the  faith  of 
the  parents.  So  Hosea  gave  each  child  a  name  that 
was  an  oracle.  The  eldest  lad  is  named  Jezreel,  i,e., 
"  A  god  is  to  sow  our  fields  ;  "  and  the  boy  becomes 
a  perpetual  prophecy  of  this  faith.  But  further,  the 
name  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  very  fertile  region 
where  a  hundred  years  before  (in  842  B.C.)  the  prince 
Jehu  had  destroyed  his  king.^  The  name  is  intended 
to  recall  that  horrible  deed  and  to  awaken  remorse 
for  it.  For,  says  Hosea,  it  was  murder,  and  our  god 
will  avenge  it.  Strange  but  true  that  this  prophet 
preached  a  religious  faith  diametrically  opposed  to 
that  of  a  previous  prophet  as  great  as  Elisha,  who 
had  directed  Jehu  to  slay,  in  Yahweh's  name,  king 
Ahab's  successor.  Hosea's  inspired  opinion  flatly 
condemns  that  of  the  great  Elisha.  The  second  child  of 
Hosea  is  named  Lo-Ruhamah,  i.e.,  "  Utterly  unpitied 
one."  She  is  to  be  a  constant  suggestion  that  the  pity 
and  kindness  of  Yahweh,  given  through  men  like 
king  Menahem,  are  all  in  vain.  The  next  boy  is  Lo- 
Ammi,  "Not  my  people";  his  name  brings  to  men's 
lips  the  sad  cry  :  "  We  are  not  Yahweh's  kinsmen  !  " 
The  theory  of  tribal  relation  between  Israel  and  Yah- 
weh is  passing  away.'     This  will  help  us  later  on  to 

'  2  Kings  ix.  f. 

"^  See  W.  11.  Smith's  Religion  of  the  Semites^  lectures  III.  and 
VII. ,  for  lucid  exposition  of  this  change. 


THE   UTTERANCES   OF   HOSEA  67 

understand  the  tender  oracle  of  ch.  xi.,  "  I  am  God  and 
not  man.  I  will  not  destroy."  The  tribal  relation  is 
broken.  Yahweh  is  not  bound  to  do  as  men  of  a  clan 
would  do,  in  slaying  every  clansman  who  is  unfaithful 
to  his  clan  duties. 

As  we  pass  on  to  chapter  ii.  we  find  the  same  story 
of  home  sorrows  repeated.  But  now  the  meaning  of 
it  all  is  discussed.  The  consequence  is  clear  :  the 
children  of  such  a  home  or  land  cannot  claim  the 
deity's  help  or  love.  Then  Hosea  examines  the  sources 
of  the  unfaithfulness.  The  unfaithful  wife,  or,  by  in- 
terpretation, the  unfaithful  land  and  its  people,  had 
enjoyed  certain  possessions  and  pleasures.  The  giver 
was  faithful ;  but  the  wife  had  forgotten  who  gave  her 
these.  She  was  trying  to  find  the  givers,  and  look- 
ing to  lovers  other  than  her  old  tribal  hdal,  Yahweh. 
Such  "  adultery "  was  making  everything  worse. 
For  he  was  the  true  source,  and  leaving  him  would  be 
leaving  the  fountain  of  bliss  and  all  its  streams.  But 
now  Hosea  rises  through  this  very  unhappiness  to  a 
conception  of  a  way  of  salvation.  Yes,  says  he,  she 
will  go  away  and  so  lose  all  her  joys,  her  wine,  her 
rightful  or  ^vrongful  pleasures,  her  food  as  well.  But 
then  she  will  be  hungry,  cold,  alone,  and  this  will  make 
her  return  to  her  real  friend.  So  Hosea  theologises 
and  works  out  doctrines  of  sin  and  suffering,  of  re- 
pentance and  regeneration,  of  knowledge  and  mind.^ 
Then  he  proceeds  to  set  down  the  still  higher  result ; 
they  shall  know  Yahweh,  his  nature,  and  real  power, 
and  his  devotion  which  is  that  of  a  true  husband  and 

'  He  calls  the  mind  "  the  heart,"  for  to  the  Hebrew  the  heart  was 
the  organ  of  thinking. 


68  THE   rROPIIETS   OF   GOODNESS 

no  mere  hcial.  "  They  sliall  know  Yaliweli,"  ^  and 
then  all  will  be  well. 

We  may  observe  that  this  theory  explains  wrong- 
doing as  the  result  of  ignorance,  or  of  the  blindness 
caused  by  excitement ;  it  supposes  that  when  the 
sinner  is  brought  by  suffering  and  exile  to  clearness 
of  mind,  he  will  then  certainly  turn  and  become 
good.  The  theory  will  not  stand  the  test  of  experi- 
ence. Yet  it  is  a  great  advance  on  the  thinking  of 
Amos,  who  never  asked  whether  men  could  be  regen- 
erated. 

When  the  troubled  people  return,  says  Hosea, 
Yahweh  will  yield,  and  make  the  soil  fruitful,  till  all 
things  rejoice.  Then  earth  and  beasts  and  birds  and 
all  men  will  live  in  a  covenant  of  mutual  faithfulness. 
Here  then  we  come,  for  the  first  time  among  these 
prophets'  oracles,  upon  the  idea  of  a  covenant  or  an 
agreement.  Hosea  loves  the  word  and  the  idea.  He 
seems  to  be  the  father  of  the  great  plan  of  "covenant " 
which  was  embodied  formally  in  the  Deuteronomic 
document  and  then  introduced  into  the  constitution 
of  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  a  century  later,  by  the  king 
Josiah  about  620  B.C. 

It  must  be  noted,  further,  that  Hosea  looks  on 
Yahweh  as  a  somewhat  arbitrary  being  who  does  not 
carry  on  his  government  on  a  great  eternal  plan. 
Men's  actions  condition  his  giving  or  withholding  the 
rain  and  sunshine  and  life.  Hosea  has  not  yet  at- 
tained to  the  highest  knowledge  of  the  nature  and 
character  of  God.     And  yet  we  see  that  he  has  made 

'  This  passage  may  have  suggested  John  xvii.  3  to  its  author. 


THE   UTTERANCES   OF   HOSEA  69 

much  progress  .  is  a  theologian  and  psychologist,  as 
Amos  was  not. 

"We  must  not  pass  from  these  chapters  without  re- 
minding readers  how  full  of  tender  beauty  they  are 
in  spite  of  the  strange  theme,  so  far  from  possible 
use  in  religious  education  to-day.  Hosea's  moral 
atmosphere  is  less  pure  than  that  of  modern  Chris- 
tianity and  the  book  cannot  wisely  be  used  in  the  ed- 
ucation of  the  immature.  Yet  it  has  a  strange,  tender 
beauty  and  pathos  all  its  own. 

Chapter  iii.  repeats  again  the  strange  story  of  sin 
and  the  Hosean  theory  of  conversion,  and  uses  these 
as  a  text  on  which  to  preach  of  similar  sin  and  the  way 
of  salvation.  Hosea  speaks  here  with  high  estimation 
of  certain  instruments  of  religious  worship,  viz., 
maccebahSf  i.e.,  stone  pillars  w^hich  marked  places 
where  god  had  seemed  to  appear,  ephods,  or  robes  in 
which  men  divined  and  consulted  oracles  concerning 
the  future  or  concerning  duty,  and  even  teixipMm, 
w^hich  w^ere  some  sort  of  amulets  or  images  of  deity. 
Strange  to  us,  yet  true,  that  Hosea  counted  these 
things  essential  in  worship.  He  evidently  expected 
to  see  all  of  them  used  again. 

We  reach  now  the  long  miscellany,  cc.  iv.-xiv., 
which  may  be  divided  as  we  have  seen. 

In  ch.  iv.  1-ix.  7  governmental  wrongs  are  specially 
condemned.  A  sort  of  refrain  is  added  in  ix.  8,  9. 
The  first  part  of  this  section,  viz.,  iv.  1-v.  9,  speaks 
mostly  of  the  faults  connected  with  the  ministers  of 
religion.  "  Let  no  man  scold  or  blame,  for  the  people 
are  like  their  priests  "  (iv.  4). 

AYithout  trying  the  impossible  task  of  analysing 


70  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

all  the  prophet's  notes,  we  must  mark  certain  of  his 
great  contentions.  And  first,  his  attack  on  the  priests 
leads  him  to  repeat  with  great  emphasis  his  view 
that  sin  is  the  consequence  of  ignorance.  The  teach- 
ers do  not  teach ;  therefore,  the  people  sin.  The 
teachers  neglect  to  teach  because  when  the  people 
sin  the}^  offer  sacrifice  ;  and  so  the  priests  get  more 
sacrificial  fees.  It  pays  the  priests  to  keep  the  peo- 
ple ignorant. 

The  prophet  relieves  the  awfulness  of  the  charge, 
however,  by  falling  back  again  upon  the  other  ex- 
planation of  the  ignorance.  He  says  that  whoredom 
and  drunkenness  are  common  and  deliberately  prac- 
tised at  the  religious  feasts  ;  these  destroy  the  heart 
or  mind  and  then  sin  increases.  He  condemns  sacri- 
ficial feasts  where  such  practices  are  followed,  be- 
cause they  do  not  belong  to  Yahweh-worship  but 
are  observances  in  honour  of  other  deities.  Here  we 
see,  as  in  Amos,  a  distinct  mark  of  the  nobler  char- 
acter of  the  Yahweh  religion  which  the  prophets 
taught. 

In  ch.  V.  1-9  Hosea  denounces  the  royal  house  as 
equally  guilty  with  the  religious  leaders.  As  for  the 
sanctuaries  of  Mizpah,  Tabor,  Shittim,  where  they 
pretend  to  seek  Yahweh,  these  are  but  resorts  for 
feasting  and  self-indulgence.  Yahweh  has  gone 
from  them.  Those  who  frequent  them  are  his  ene- 
mies. Hence  his  judgment  comes, — the  sword  of  the 
invader. 

Ch.  V.  10-vii.  2.  The  princes  are  untrue  to  tribal 
land  law.  They  alter  boundaries,  giving  to  some  men 
what  belongs  to  others.     They  look  to  Assyria  and 


THE  UTTERANCES   OF   HOSEA  71 

its  King  Jareb^  or  is  it  to  "Mu9ur  and  its  A^^ah  king  " 
for  help ;  but  it  is  Yahweh  who  causes  the  trouble 
and  him  they  ought  to  consult  for  help.  Yahweh 
ought  to  be  at  home  in  the  land,  but  he  forsakes  it. 

Now  follows  a  passage  which  seems  to  express  a 
repentant  spirit  among  the  people.  The  cry  rises, 
"  Come,  let  us  return  to  Yahweh."  This  means  how- 
ever, "Let  us  go  to  the  sanctuaries,  and  spend  the 
customary  three  days  of  sacrificial  feasting.  Then 
our  god  will  heal  us  and  our  land."  Hosea  declares 
such  religion  valueless.  At  one  blow  he  destroys 
the  idea  that  he  and  his  fellow  Hebrews  lived  by 
sacrificial  religion.  Sacrifices  are  to  him  decaying 
relics  of  a  bygone  and  imperfect  life.  He  denounces 
the  hoariest  and  most  honourable  sanctuaries.  She- 
chem,  Gilead  and  Bethel  are  dens  of  highwaymen  ; 
their  priests  are  murderous  banditti.  Love  is  the 
true  worship,  and  the  knowledge  of  himself  which 
Yahweh  demands  is  that  he  delights  in  loving  kind- 
ness, not  in  smoking  sacrifices. 

In  ch.  vii.  3-ix.  7  we  read  of  king-making  con- 
spirators. These  king-makers — indeed  the  whole 
people  led  by  them — are  madly  excited;  the  war 
craze  is  a  very  drunkenness.  Civil  war  lets  now  one 
party  exult,  now  the  other ;  so  there  are  always 
drums  and  trumpets  and  flags  and  shoutings  and 
jostlings  and  thrustings.  One  day  it  is,  Hurrah  for 
Assyria  !    Another  day  it  is,  Hurrah  for  Egypt !    But 

'  It  is  more  than  doubtful  whether  Hosea  means  Assyria.  The 
prophet  is  looking  to  that  quarter  for  the  invasion,  and  there  was 
no  Assyrian  king  named  Jareh.  The  idea  seems  to  be  that  they 
shall  go  to  Assyria  despite  their  appeals  to  the  king  of  Jareb(?). 
Evidently  the  text  is  corrupt. — [Craig.] 


72  THE   PKOPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

by  the  fashion  of  the  times  he  who  cries  "For  As- 
syria "  praises  the  gods  of  that  land ;  and  the  pro- 
Egyptian  really  does  homage  to  Egyptian  deities. 
All  this  means  that  Yahweh  is  nowhere  in  all  their 
thoughts.  He  has  no  share  nor  voice,  as  a  clansman 
should  have,  in  the  election  of  the  kings.  Since 
their  worship  consists  of  feasting  and  drinking,  they 
have  bread  and  wine  indeed ;  but  it  is  unblessed  of 
the  god  of  their  own  land  and  therefore  impure.  It 
is  bread  without  hope,  the  bread  of  death. 

The  prophet  couples  two  features  of  the  disturbed 
condition,  and  from  the  union  draws  a  theologian's 
conclusion.  They  are  paying  much  gold  and  silver 
for  the  foreign  help.  It  is  really  these  things,  the 
gold  and  silver,  that  are  their  gods.  See,  then,  cries 
Hosea,  see  that  golden  calf  which  once  you  held 
sacred  as  a  symbol  of  Yahweh  !  Is  it  not  gold  ?  A 
workman  made  it,  it  is  no  god  !  It  will  be  broken 
up,  used  as  treasure  to  buy  foreign  help.  In  a  later 
passage,  x.  6,  the  idea  is  repeated  and  carried  far- 
ther. Here  the  prophet  reveals  his  theologising  nat- 
ure and  rises  to  a  discovery  of  the  unreality  of  the 
divinity  of  any  image. 

All  these  things — the  absence  of  their  god,  the 
godlessness  of  their  government,  the  lack  of  true  char* 
acter,  the  careless,  cruel  ways — shall  find  retribution. 
The  nation  shall  be  entrapped.  They  shall  go  to  the 
foreign  land,  not  as  honoured  embassies,  but  as  slaves, 
and  shall  be  cursed  therein. 

We  have  in  ix.  8  f .  a  sort  of  refrain  at  the  close  of 
the  section  thus  described.  It  seems  to  tell  how  the 
laughter  of  the  people  rings  out  over  this  "  absurd 


THE   UTTERANCES   OF   ROSEA  73 

prophet "  of  evil.  He  bows  silently  before  the  deris- 
ion ;  and  then  tells  the  mockers  that  he  may  well  be 
driven  mad  amid  such  scenes,  that  he  knows  very  w^ell 
there  are  men  ready  to  waylay  him  and  fling  him  into 
a  deep  grave,  even  if  they  have  to  dig  it  in  a  sanctuary. 
Again,  therefore,  he  shows  his  dislike  of  the  sanctu- 
aries. 

Here  begins  the  second  section  of  the  Miscellany, 
as  divided  above ;  viz.,  ix.  10-xi.  6,  which  reads  les- 
sons from  the  story  of  the  past  as  Hosea  knew  it. 
The  contents  of  this  section  are  still  aimed  largely 
against  the  sanctuaries.     They  are  briefly  these  : 

In  the  very  time  of  deliverance  from  Egyptian 
slavery  the  worship  of  lust,  which  is  here  called  wor- 
ship of  the  ba'al  of  Peor,  led  all  the  people  easily 
away.  But  the  consequence  of  such  insult  toward 
Tahweh,  who  is  the  creator  of  all  life,  is  sure  to  be 
barrenness  and  decimation  of  the  people.  Hosea 
sees  how  surely  a  lustful  excess  will  ruin  men. 

At  the  Gilgal  sanctuary  there  has  always  been  hate- 
ful conduct.  Gilgal  was  the  name  of  the  landing-place 
where  the  wanderers  crossed  from  Moab  over  Jordan. 
A  Gilgal  was  also  the  place  of  birth  of  the  Hebrew 
kingdom  under  Samuel  and  Saul,  according  to  the 
Yahwistic  story.  So  Gilgal  means  "  The  First  Days  " ; 
and  Hosea's  claim  is  that  from  the  first  there  has  al- 
ways been  such  hatefulness.  From  the  earliest  days 
onward  they  have  indeed  prospered,  but  they  have 
always  done  wickedly.  They  have  received  kings 
from  Yahweh,  then  they  have  always  turned  and 
made  conspiracies  and  murdered  their  kings.  But 
now  they  shall  have  no  more  prosperity.     They  shall 


74  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

give  uj)  everything  as  tribute  to  Assyria,  even  their 
divine  images  and  symbols.  Worse  shall  come.  Their 
altars  shall  be  deserted  and  overgrown  with  thistles. 

The  next  note  on  past  story  refers  to  Gibeah.  Ho- 
sea  may  be  thinking  of  the  horrible  deeds  described 
at  the  close  of  the  book  of  Judges,  or  possibly  of  the 
failure  of  the  king  Saul  of  Gibeah. 

Now  he  turns  to  the  days  of  Egyptian  slavery,  and 
tells  how  Yahweh  fell  in  love  with  them  then,  and 
how  he  wooed  them.  But  they  shall  go  back  to  just 
such  slavery  in  Egypt  and  Assyria  too,  because  they 
know^  not  Yahweh's  love.  Here  Hosea  argues  ac- 
cording to  the  old  tribal  theory.  If  one  member  fails 
in  his  duty,  the  whole  tribe  must  turn  against  him ; 
so  if  the  people  fail  in  their  duty  and  regard  and  love 
toAvard  Yahweh,  the  patron  member  of  the  tribe,  then 
he  must  turn  against  them  and  avenge  the  dereliction. 

But  now  rings  out  a  refrain.  Amid  the  recollec- 
tion of  those  days  and  the  bitter  thought  of  impend- 
ing ruin  the  prophet  breaks  down  in  his  emotion, 
then  speaks  as  if  Yahweh  himself  were  speaking.  It 
is  an  utterance  of  love  that  has  been  seldom  sur- 
passed.^ The  prophet  is  almost  in  despair,  for  his 
traditional  faith  allows  no  way  of  escape  from  the  aw- 
ful sentence.  In  this  anguish,  wrestling  for  light,  he 
grasps  at  his  earlier  declaration  in  ch.  ii.  that  the 
people  have  really  broken  away  from  the  old  relation- 
ship. The  tribal  union  and  theory  have  broken  down, 
by  the  people's  own  act.  Yahweh  is  no  longer  bound 
to  act  as  a  member  of  the  tribe  as  they  are  members 

'  See  a  paraphrase  and  description  of  this  passage  on  page  141  f. 
of  the  writer's  Old  Testament  Theology^  vol.  i. 


THE   UTTERANCES   OF   HOSEA  75 

and  as  he  used  to  be.  He  is  not  "  man,"  The  wrest- 
ling soul  seizes  this  faith,  and  now  sees  higher  faith. 
A  new  light  breaks  and  a  new  doctrine  is  born.  Yah- 
weh  is  god  and  not  man.  He  will  not  enter  the  city 
to  destroy.  His  loving  kindness  will  follow  its  own 
divine  path.  He  cannot  give  them  up,  and  will  not. 
They  shall  indeed  go  into  Egyptian  slavery,  or  into 
Assyrian  exile ;  but  they  shall  fly  back  like  migrating 
birds  and  like  doves  that  wing  homewards.  "  And  I 
will  bring  them  back  to  their  home :  thus  hath  Yah- 
weh  said." 

The  third  section  includes  chaps,  xii.  and  xiii. 
The  outburst  of  tenderness  has  passed,  which  the 
vision  of  past  da^'s  produced.  The  prophet  will  turn 
away  from  those  days ;  they  move  him  too  deeply. 
But  the  present  life  lies  all  about  him  and  is  plainly 
bad.  The  Israelites  are  merchants  of  the  sort  who  al- 
ways practise  deceit.  They  think  to  buy  both  Egypt 
and  Assyria ;  but  while  they  draw  up  an  agreement 
wdth  the  one  state,  they  send  the  indemnity  to  the 
other.  So  too  they  have  always  been  deceitful,  bar- 
gaining with  the  brother  Edom,  bargaining  even  with 
Yahweh's  messenger  at  Bethel.  These  are  touches 
taken  from  the  Yahwistic  story.^  When  they  received 
divine  oracles  that  should  lead  them  to  love  and  jus- 
tice, even  then  they  went  back  to  deceit.  They  have 
trusted  to  their  gains.  They  have  cried  with  proud 
satisfaction : 

"Ha,  Ha!    lam  rich; 

*'  All  is  well  with  me, 

"  I  have  gotten  property." 

'  See  Analysis  of  J,  §§  17  and  24. 


76  THE    PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

But  that  property  will  not  set  the  wrong  right ;  it 
will  not  give  life  nor  buy  forgiveness.  For  they  do 
horrible  deeds  around  their  sacrificial  altars;  and 
those  sacrifices  and  feasts  are  in  honour  of  devils  and 
not  of  Yahweh.  Therefore,  these  altars  shall  be  stone- 
heaps  of  the  fields.  They  laugh  at  prophets !  But 
by  prophets  they  received  all  their  past  guidance. 
Was  it  not  a  prophet  ^  that  saved  them  from  Egyp- 
tian misery  ?  Yes,  and  prophets  shall  still  preach  and 
shall  cry  out  doom,  and  shall  bring  the  doom  to  pass. 
Chapter  xiii.  hastens  on  to  picture  the  common 
worship.  They  have  many  symbols  of  the  deity. 
Hosea  rather  prized  such  images  in  chapter  iii.,  and 
honoured  their  use.  He  does  not  condemn  them  ut- 
terly here ;  but  he  theologises  and  argues  that  these 
deities  are  like  themselves,  and  not  as  Yahweh  is. 
Perhaps  these  images  included  a  lion,  a  panther,  a 
bear ;  for  the  prophet  says  that  Yahweh  will  prove 
to  be  the  real  lion,  tearing  them  ;  the  real  bear,  de- 
vouring them ;  and  this  is  to  come  to  them  on  the 
very  road  to  Assyria,  whither  they  go  in  their  foolish 
coquetting. 

'  Hosea  describes  Moses  as  a  prophet,  not  as  a  law-giver.  This 
is  almost  the  very  language  of  the  Elohist,  See  below,  Analysis  of 
E,  §§  49  and  63.  "When  we  read  the  Yahwist  we  feel  that  tliis  con- 
ception is  coming  :  but  it  is  in  the  Elohist  that  we  get  the  clear  ex- 
pression of  it.  Hosea  seems  plainly  to  stand  after  the  Yahwist, 
and  just  before  the  Elohist.  Indeed,  the  Elohist  and  Hosea  are 
singularly  related  in  ideas ;  they  might  almost  belong  to  the  same 
small  circle.  For  Hosea  loves  to  turn  the  story  of  the  past  into 
sermons  for  the  present,  just  as  the  Elohist  uses  the  whole  course 
of  his  narrative.  It  is  also  to  be  observed  tliat  apart  from  tliis  com- 
munity of  conceptions  Hosea  and  the  Elohist  mention  many  things 
as  very  important  to  both. 


THE   UTTERANCES   OF   HOSEA  77 

Now  Hosea  lays  liis  hand,  with  sarcastic  words,  on 
the  evils  of  which  they  are  proud,  their  king-mak- 
ings, their  assassinations,  and  declares  that  after  all 
it  is  Yahweh  who  is  the  great  controller  in  even 
these  events.  It  was  he  who  gave  evil  princes ;  it  is 
he  who  takes  away.  Finally,  in  wrath  and  in  a  tor- 
rent of  sublime  sentences  he  summons  all  powers  to 
lay  hold  and  help  to  ruin  this  evil  nation.  He  chants 
thus  in  Yahweh's  name  : 

**  Now  will  I  tear  thee,  ruin  thee. 
Come,  Death,  with  thy  diseases: 
Come,  Grave,  with  thy  rotting : 
Help  me  ! 

My  mercy  is  exhausted. 
Men  shall  be  sword -hewn  ; 
Women  shall  be  sliced  in  twain  ; 
Children  shall  be  dashed  to  death."  ^ 

Now  follows  the  refrain :  Hosea  could  not  let  those 
words  be  his  last.  His  oracle  of  loving  kindness 
rises  to  assert  itself  again.  His  voice  breaks  and  he 
cries : 

*'  O  turn  ye,  O  turn  Israel. 
Turn  to  Yahweh  your  god. 
'Tis  not  he  has  slain  you, 
But  'tis  ye  yourselves. 
Come,  let  us  cry  to  him. 
Forgive  us  our  trespass." 

*  These  are  awful  words.  Strangely  time  has  inverted  the  order 
and  their  meaning  (Isa.  xxv.  8  ;  1  Cor.  xv.  55).  Anger  is  not 
eternal. 


78        THE  PROPHETS  OF  GOODNESS 

The  propliet  sings  the  answer  of  Yahweh  to  this 
prayer  for  forgiveness : 

"  I  will  heal,  heal,  heal  all  things, 
Men's  souls,  the  land,  and  all  its  life. 
I  am  Israel's  best  symbol. 
I  am  their  sacred  tree  : 
From  Me  comes  all  their  fruit." 


CHAPTER  III 

ISAIAH,   PROPHET  AND   STATESMAN 
740  TO  700  B.C. 

Isaiah's  oracles  are  political  speeches  by  a  states- 
man who  is  first  of  all  absorbed  in  the  reality  and 
importance  of  his  god,  Yahweli.  His  strength  is  then 
devoted  to  the  care  of  the  state  and  to  the  guidance 
of  it  in  righteousness. 

The  Story    of  His   Statesmanship. 

At  the  outset  of  our  view  of  the  man's  condition, 
we  are  bound  to  oppose  the  common  idea,  shared 
indeed  to  some  extent  by  Professor  Kittel,  that 
Isaiah  represented  the  whole  people  of  Israel.  The 
facts  of  history  and  geography  teach  a  different  and 
a  startling  lesson.  He  lived  in  Jerusalem,  the  little 
mountain-town,  capital  of  Judah,  that  was  scarcely 
fifty  miles  square.  For  the  first  twenty  years  of 
his  ministry  he  had  to  look  out  from  this  home  upon 
the  comparatively  large  country  of  Israel  lying  to  the 
north,  which  was  the  enemy  of  his  own  little  land. 
For  the  second  twenty  years  of  his  work  Judah  stood 
all  alone,  for  Israel  as  a  people  and  kingdom  was 
gone.  Judah  was  now  no  larger  than  before,  but  she 
was  much  more  exposed  to  invasions  from  the  north. 

Judah,  in  which  Isaiah  arose,  is  a  poor  land  lying 
high  upon  the  hills.  Most  of  it  is  from  GOO  to  1,500 
feet  above  sea-level.      The  soil  is  not  so  fertile  as 

79 


80  tup:  prophets  of  goodness 

that  of  liappy  Ephraim,  whose  very  name  means 
"  doubly  fruitful."  Jerusalem  stands  2,300  feet  above 
the  sea  on  stony  hills ;  its  more  famous  portion  bears 
the  name  "  Zion,"  which  is  literally  "  the  dry  and 
withering  place."  The  supply  of  water  for  times  of 
siege  was  brought  in  from  distant  pools  by  a  tunnel 
hewn  through  the  rock  far  down  below  the  higher 
street  levels. 

A  cameo-like  picture  of  the  whole  man,  and,  strange 
to  say,  even  of  his  whole  growth,  is  given  us  in  chap- 
ter vi.  Somewhere  between  the  years  740  and  737 
B.C.  the  aged  sheik  Azariah,  or  Uzziah,  lay  dying. 
He  had  ruled  long  and  successfully,  but  now  all  was 
passing.  A  terrible  earthquake  shook  the  land; 
a  thunder-storm  rolled  and  flashed  across  the  sky. 
Yahweh  seemed  to  toll  the  great  bells  of  heaven  over 
this  man's  death.  As  the  storm  raged,  a  youth  was 
sitting  in  the  sanctuary  hall  built  on  one  of  the  city's 
hills.  Amid  the  roar  of  the  storm  and  the  shaking  of 
the  house,  he  was  conscious  of  a  vision.  A  lordly, 
exalted,  kingly  One  was  before  him,  circled  round  by 
emblems  of  divine  high  state.  The  seer-youth  saw 
attendant  beings,  veiled,  almost  invisible  amid  the 
clouds  of  altar  smoke  and  the  darkness  of  the  storm. 
These  were  uttering  to  the  young  man's  inner  ear  a 
solemn  declaration  of  the  character  which  every  true 
Hebrew  believed  to  belong  to  Yahweh.     They  said  : 

* '  Yahweh  is  altogether  devoted 
To  his  folk,  of  whom  he  is  one ; 
To  his  land,  which  is  his  place  of  power  ; 
To  his  sanctuary,  where  he  feasts. 
And  all  the  earth  knows  his  importance." 


81 

The  young  Isaiah  was  overpowered.  As  he  recov- 
ered, the  deep  sense  of  the  goodness  of  Yahweh  was 
what  impressed  him;  and  this  wrought  in  him  the 
sense  that  he  himself  was  not  good.  He  longed  to 
preach ;  but  how  could  he,  so  poor  in  soul,  so  unclean 
of  lip  !  He  gazed,  and  thought  of  the  love  of  Yahweh. 
He  felt  that  this  love  came  to  him,  entered  by  the 
very  lips  that  he  counted  so  unfit,  until  they  burned 
with  eagerness  to  speak. 

What  then,  was  he  to  preach  among  the  people  ? 
Wliat  but  the  fact  of  their  deep  unworthiness,  as  he 
had  felt  his  own.  In  his  vision  his  own  impurity  was 
purged  by  fire ;  so  at  first  he  preached  the  burning  and 
the  cutting  off,  just  as  Amos  had  done.  Doubtless  he 
knew  Amos's  work ;  probably  his  desire  to  preach  had 
been  kindled  largely  through  it. 

His  field  of  work  was  in  Judah ;  but  it  was  largely 
like  the  field  Amos  had  had  in  Israel.  The  people 
of  Judah  were  living  amid  comfort,  through  Uzziah's 
wisdom.  In  735  to  732  B.C.  the  young  king  Ahaz 
succeeded  his  grandfather,  Uzziah,  who  had  been 
aided  in  his  later  years  by  Jotham,  the  father  of  Ahaz. 
At  once  the  vicious  attack  previously  described  was 
made  by  the  allied  Israel  and  Syria :  these  threat- 
ened to  overthrow  Ahaz  and  his  state.  Immedi- 
ately Isaiah  leapt  to  the  defence  and  his  preaching 
became  more  like  that  of  Hosea  in  its  eagerness  to 
help  and  to  save  his  king  and  people.  The  hour  of 
darkness  drew  out  his  wonderful  oracle  (chap,  viii.) : 

"  I  will  wait  for  Yahweh, 
Who  is  hiding  his  face. 
I  will  look  for  him, — 


82  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

Lo  ! — I  see  his  signs — 

I  and  the  children  he  hath  given  me 

Are  signs  he  gives  that  he  loves. 

He  loves  Israel, 

And  he  is  the  lord  of  all  hosts 

Who  dwells  in  our  sanctuary  in  Zion." 

He  preached  that  Assyrian  supremacy  was  Yahweh's 
way  of  solving  the  difficulties  of  strife  between  the 
smaller  states.  Assyria  would  silence  Samaria  and 
Damascus,  Israel  and  Syria,  and  Judah  should  be  safe. 
And  so  it  proved.  Tiglath-pileser  III.  broke  up  the 
alliance  and  set  Hosea,  a  ruler  of  his  own  choosing, 
upon  the  throne  of  Israel  in  734.  In  732  he  reduced 
Damascus.  There  was  quiet  until,  in  727,  Tiglath- 
pileser  died  and  was  succeeded  by  Shalmaneser  IV. 
This  emperor  was  not  a  strong  ruler.  Isaiah  seems 
to  have  overestimated  his  ability.  For  when  Phoeni- 
cia rebelled  against  Assyrian  overlordship,  and  its 
city  Tyre  was  besieged,  Isaiah  predicted  Tyre's  speedy 
fall,  but  that  prediction  was  not  fulfilled. 

In  725  Samaria  also  began  a  resistance  to  the  em- 
peror that  outlasted  his  life.  But  Isaiah  concluded 
that  the  end  was  only  delayed.  When  in  722  Shal- 
maneser lY.  died  and  was  succeeded  by  Sargon,  Sa- 
maria was  soon  taken.  This  was  the  end  of  the  real 
Israel.  The  name  has  been  appropriated  by  the  little 
kingdom  of  Judah,  and  historians  have  obscured  the 
real  progress  of  affairs  by  assuming  Judah  to  be  heir 
of  Israel,  and  that  Hebraism  went  on  quite  steadily 
in  the  south  when  the  great  northern  kingdom  fell. 
That  is  to  act  as  if  Judah  were  reall}^  equivalent  to  a 
country  which  was  at  least  five  times  its  own  size, 


ISAIAH,    PROPHET  AND   STATESMAN  83 


whicli  was  far  more  fertile,  which  produced  many 
more  great  men — including  Samuel,  Elijah  andElislia, 
— and  whicli  was  very  much  opposed  to  the  ways  of 
Judah.  Turning  to  a  survey  of  afi'airs  in  Judah  in 
Isaiah's  later  days,  we  note  first  that  the  Empei'or 
Sargon  had  no  easy  task,  although  he  overthrew  Is- 
rael. There  was  a  revolt  nearer  home  in  the  province 
of  Babylonia.  This  country  was  the  delta-region  of 
the  Euphrates  and  Tigris.  It  had  been  the  mother 
of  Assyria  in  early  ages  ;  but  now  it  had  long  been  a 
subject  province  of  the  empire.  While  Sargon  was 
busy  in  Palestine,  there  arose  in  Babylonia  a  patriot 
and  soldier  and  statesman,  the  indefatigable  Mero- 
dach-baladan.  He  defeated  Sargon's  home  troops  in 
720  ;  then  he  was  able  to  hold  independent  sway  in 
the  delta  for  ten  years,  and  to  make  repeated  insur- 
rections. Sargon  left  him  undisturbed  until  he  had 
faced  the  more  serious  task  of  conquering  Egypt. 
So,  or  Sewe,  of  Mu§ri '  of  whom  we  heard  in  Hosea's 
story,  was  busy  gathering  an  anti- Assyrian  federation 
in  all  the  southern  lands,  including  Philistia  on  the 
coast-road,  even  some  of  the  remnant  people  of  Sa- 
maria, and  any  Syrians  that  were  at  all  free.  Sargon 
marched  against  these  and  defeated  them  utterly  at 
Baphia,  a  coast  town  below  Gaza.  Isaiah  was  watch- 
ing events.  His  prince,  Ahaz,  was  true  to  the  As- 
syrian overlord ;  so  Judah  was  comparatively  safe. 
The  prophet  was  filled  with  hope  for  a  time  of  perfect 
happiness,  an  expression  of  which  is  found  in  part  of 
chapter  xi. 

In  715  B.C.  the  king  Ahaz  died.     Probably  it  was 

'  Vide  note,  p.  15. 


84  THE   PROPHETS   OF  GOODNESS 

BOW  that  Pliilistia  exulted,  as  is  indicated  in  Isa.  ch. 
xiv.,  over  the  fall  of  a  prince  who  had  been  in  a  sense 
the  representative  of  Assyria  in  Palestine  for  some 
twenty  years.  He  had  ruled  fairly  well,  in  spite  of 
Isaiah's  unfavourable  attitude  toward  him  in  his  ear- 
lier days.  Isaiah  at  first  doubted  the  Assyrian  over- 
lordship  and  Ahaz's  dependence  upon  it ;  but  he  had 
much  regard  for  Ahaz  in  that  king's  later  days,  and 
hurled  at  exulting  Pliilistia  an  indignant  reproof  and 
warning,  declaring  at  the  same  time — and  for  the  first 
time — a  strong  faith  in  Zion  as  Yahweh's  chosen 
place  of  safety  for  his  people.  The  prophet  had 
previously  looked  to  Israel  as  the  great  centre  of 
Hebrew  life ;  when  Israel  fell  and  Ahaz  made  Zion 
safe  by  his  wise  policy,  then  Isaiah  quickly  saw  the 
hand  of  Yahweh  defending  Zion  and  "  founding 
there  the  refuge,"  i.e.,  a  military  stronghold,  for  his 
people. 

Hezekiah  succeeded  his  father  Ahaz  in  715.  If  we 
have  just  been  deviating  from  the  traditional  view  of 
Ahaz,  we  shall  have  to  oppose  more  decidedly  the 
traditional  view  of  Hezekiah.  It  has  been  supposed 
that  he  was  a  staunch  follower  of  Isaiah,  that  he 
worked  a  reformation  like  that  of  his  great-grandson 
Josiah  a  century  later,  and  did  so  at  Isaiah's  wish. 
But  the  story  of  that  reformation  comes  from  a  sec- 
ondary writer  who  willingly  and  often  reads  back  into 
early  days  stories  and  customs  which  are  of  late  ori- 
gin. Isaiah  was  not  the  man  to  plan  much  external 
formality  in  religion  or  to  desire  it.  It  is  probable 
that  the  Deuteronomic  document  was  written  during 
his  time  and  there  were  plenty  of  tendencies  in  such 


85 

direction  existing  all  around  him,  yet  he  never  once 
betra^'s  the  slightest  leaning  toward  them  ;  it  rather 
appears  by  all  his  allusions  to  ceremonies  and  forms 
that  he  disliked  and  scorned  them. 

Singularly  enough,  he  never  once  mentions  Heze- 
kiah  by  name,  although  he  does  mention  Ahaz  more 
than  once.  He  condemns  certain  political  follies 
in  which  Hezekiah  was  a  leader,  namely,  rebellion 
against  Assyria  by  connivance  with  the  Egyptian  gov- 
ernment in  effort  to  destroy  the  Assyrian  overlord- 
ship.  The  chief  evil  that  Isaiah  fights  in  these  his 
later  years,  is  that  friendship  with  Egypt  which 
Hezekiah's  court  is  practising.  The  dangers  that 
the  prophet  fears  to  be  coming  from  Assyria,  were 
probably  all  caused  by  this  pro-Egyptian  policy  of 
Hezekiah.  It  must  be  added  that  there  is  nowhere 
any  hint  that  Isaiah's  anger  was  directed  against  the 
court  as  distinguished  from  the  king.  He  says  Jeru- 
salem is  coquetting  with  Egypt  and  the  court  is  doing 
this  :  now  Hezekiah  was  leader  of  Jerusalem  and 
chief  of  the  court,  therefore  Hezekiah  is  Isaiah's 
opponent. 

Open  rebellion  against  Assyria  became  active  in 
712  B.C. ;  its  centre  was  the  Philistine  city  or  state  of 
Ashdod.  Isaiah  is  said  to  have  gone  barefoot — that 
is,  probably  un-gowned,  with  bared  legs,  as  slave- 
labourers  would  go — "  for  three  years,"  if  the  time  is 
correctly  understood,  to  show  the  danger  of  following 
Ashdod's  lead.  Perhaps  he  began  to  do  this  as  early 
as  715,  at  Hezekiah's  accession.  Sargon  concen- 
trated his  force  upon  the  centre  of  mischief ;  he  de- 
stroyed Ashdod  in  711.     Now  he  turned  homeward, 


86  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

to  clieck  Merodacli-baladaii.  That  Babylouian  was 
sending  agents  to  Palestine  to  foment  the  conspiracy. 
We  know  he  sent  an  embassy  to  Hezekiah,  ostensibly 
to  congratulate  him  on  recovery  from  an  illness ;  the 
embassy  had  a  good  look  at  Hezekiah's  stores  of  war 
material,  not  only  in  the  capital,  but  all  over  the 
kingdom.^  The  illness  had  evidently  passed  away 
very  fully.  Probably  the  commissioners  from  Baby- 
lon arrived  before  the  fall  of  Ashdod.  So  the  illness 
of  Hezekiah  would  occur  before  that  date  in  712  B.C. 
Sargon's  measures  against  Merodach  were  thorough ; 
he  attacked  in  full  strength  and  drove  the  Babjdonian 
into  exile  in  710.  He  remained  a  fugitive  until  703, 
when  Sargon  died  and  there  arose  a  fresh  hope  for 
Babylonian  independence  through  the  change  of  the 
emperor. 

The  new  emperor,  Sennacherib,  was  likewise  a 
powerful  prince  and  soldier.  And  yet  Babylon  made 
the  dash  for  freedom  by  a  new  conspiracy  under 
Egyptian  leadership.  The  Egyptian  throne  was  then 
held  by  Tirhaka  or  Taharqu,  of  an  Ethiopian  dynasty. 
All  the  Palestinian  states  seem  to  have  joined  in  the 
alliance,  excepting  one,  the  Philistine  city  Ekron. 
The  alliance  dethroned  Padi  the  prince  of  Ekron  and 
appointed  Hezekiah  as  jailer  to  keep  him  in  prison  in 
Jerusalem,-  the  fastness  among  the  mountains.  This 
suggests  the  natural  safety  of  Jerusalem  and  the 
rational  ground  for  Isaiah's  faith  that  Yahweh  had 
chosen  it  as  his  own  refuge  for  his  people ;  and  it  is 

'  Isa.  xxxix.  2. 

■^  Vide  Sennacherib,  Prism  Inscription^  Col.  ii.,  11.  69  ff. — 
[Craig.J 


87 

important  for  the  correct  estimation  of  Hebrew  theol- 
ogy. Isaiah's  sublime  faiths  were  founded  on  the 
oracles  given  in  a  man's  reasoning,  and,  as  we  say, 
in  common  sense. 

Sennacherib  was  delayed  in  the  East  until  702  B.C., 
but  by  that  year  he  had  reduced  Babylonia  again. 
Now  he  marched  into  Palestine  and  down  the  coast, 
reducing  city  after  city  as  he  went.  He  overthrew  a 
combined  body  of  the  allies  at  Eltekeh,  somewhere 
near  Ekron  :  then  he  pressed  straight  toward  Jerusa- 
lem, taking  the  route  now  followed  by  the  railroad 
from  the  coast.  He  was  a  wise  strategist.  He  climbed 
to  the  city  perched  aloft  and  shut  in  "  like  a  bird  in 
a  cage  "  Hezekiah,  who  speedily  yielded.  The  Ek- 
ronite  prince,  Padi,  was  set  free  and  an  immense  in- 
demnity was  paid.  Hezekiah  had  to  deliver  up  not 
alone  gold  and  silver  and  all  precious  things,  a  great 
treasure,  but  also  "  his  own  daughters,  the  women  of 
his  palace,  male  and  female  musicians."  Here  we 
have  a  picture  suggestive  of  the  little  country  away 
up  in  the  rugged,  but  naturally  secure  fastnesses  of 
the  mountains,  out  of  the  way  of  travellers  or  of 
armies  marching  between  Asia  and  Africa,  hard  to 
reach  save  by  the  roundabout  valley  from  the  west, 
unfruitful  too  and  not  Avorth  having.  For  all  these 
reasons  it  was  safe,  and  the  virgin  Judah,  daughter  of 
Yahweh,  might  have  laughed  at  Assyria  had  she  been 
under  a  wise  king.  But  Hezekiah's  over-confidence 
in  his  Egypto-Syrian  allies,  and  his  disregard  of  Isaiah, 
brought  the  fall  of  his  city  and  land  in  701  B.C. 

Sennacherib  seems  to  have  turned  homeward  im- 
mediately after  taking  Jerusalem.     The  reasons  for 


88        THE  PROPHETS  OF  GOODNESS 

this  were  partly  that  his  work  in  Palestine  was  clone 
for  the  time  being,  partly  that  the  home  lands  and 
especially  Babylon  needed  much  care.  The  Ethio- 
pian prince  Taharqu,  though  still  resisting  him,  did 
not  compel  his  withdrawal;  for  the  Assyrian  armies 
soon  returned  to  the  subjugation  of  Edom  and  Arabia. 
Here  we  reach  the  sudden  close  of  Isaiah's  story. 
He  disappears  strangely,  just  after  uttering  some  of 
his  noblest  oracles.  Did  he  lose  his  life  at  the  hands 
of  angry  fellow-coimtrymen,  who  saw  how  his  warn- 
ings had  proved  right  ?  He  had  counselled  them  to 
submit  to  Assyria ;  and  they  had  to  do  so  in  the  end, 
after  losing  what  Isaiah  wished  to  help  them  to  save. 

Tlie  Substance   of  His   Sermons. 

To  learn  what  was  Isaiah's  faith  and  what  were 
his  theology  and  his  morals,  we  must  form  a  clear 
conception  both  of  what  he  preached  and  of  the  ad- 
vancing movement  of  his  mind  from  point  to  point  of 
his  counsels,  opinions,  and  ideas.  But  it  is  neces- 
sary here  that  we  take  for  granted  some  arrangement 
of  the  discourses.^ 

Dating  from  about  740-737  B.C.  we  have  chapter 
ii.,  or  most  of  it,  which  reveals  the  luxury  and  pride 
of  the  times.     Fragrant  cedar  wood  from  Lebanon, 

'  The  following  works  will  be  found  helpful :  Introduction  to  the 
Book  of  Isaiah,  etc.,  by  T.  K.  Cheyne;  A.  &  C.  Black,  1895. 
Das  Buck  Jesaia  vhersetzt  u.  erkldrt,  by  Bernhard  Duhm  ;  Van- 
denhoeck  und  Ruprecht,  Gottingen,  1892.  The  Prophecies  of 
Isaiah.  An  Outline  Study,  by  M,  A.  Kellner,  Cambridge,  Mass., 
1895,  and  the  same  author's  Assyrian  Monuments  Illustrating  the 
Sermons  of  Isaiah ;  Damrell  &  Upham,  Boston,  1900. 


ISAIAH  :    SUBSTANCE   OF   HIS   SERMONS  89 

/ind  strong  polished  oak  from  Baslian  are  plenty  in 
the  wealthy  homes.  On  the  walls  are  rich  works  of 
art,  paintings,  needle- work,  carvings,  symbols  of 
pleasure  or  of  deities.  On  the  highways  are  carriages 
and  horses  ;  while  down  on  the  western  sea  is  the 
fleet  which  Judah  has  built.  Every  accessible  foreign 
contribution  to  comfort  and  to  pleasure  and  to  high 
style  is  imported  and  used.  Isaiah  strikes  straight 
at  all  this  in  the  passage  before  us,  like  Amos  who 
condemned  luxurious  life.  But  he  has  better  judg- 
ment in  the  matter  than  Amos  had.  Hosea  who 
lived  in  Samaria,  could  be  pleased  with  luxury  and 
knew  its  use.  Isaiah  sees  that  such  show  is  foreign 
to  Judah.  Vv.  6-10  and  18-21  must  be  taken  to- 
gether, and  then  with  a  little  necessary  emendation 
we  have  two  regular  stanzas,  each  ending  in  the 
same  refrain.  The  first  stanza  describes  the  wealth 
and  condemns  it  as  foreign  to  Judah.  The  men  of 
wealth  are  bowing  to  the  power  of  selfishness.  They 
shall  not  have  forgiveness  from  the  source  of  life. 
And  now  breaks  out  the  refrain  in  which  Isaiah  plays 
skilfully,  as  he  often  does  upon  the  sounds  of  words. 

*'  Away  into  the  rocks  with  thee  and  hide  thee  in  their  dust ! 
From  the  Yahweh-teiTor  !     From  his  majestic  light ! 
When  he  lifts  him  up  to  lash  the  land." 

In  the  second  stanza,  vv.  18-21,  there  is  a  startling 
picture  of  terrors  to  come.  It  ends  in  the  same 
refrain.  A  new  stanza  in  vv.  11-17  both  opens  and 
closes  with  the  refrain  : 

"  The  haughty  eyes  of  humanity  shall  be  brought  low, 
And  the  loftiness  of  men  abased  : 
Yahweh  alone  shall  be  exalted  in  that  day." 


90        THE  PROPHETS  OF  GOODNESS 

Tlie  theology  in  this  is  characteristic  of  the  man 
and  of  the  whole  position  of  these  moral  prophets. 
The  stanza  is  an  affirmation  of  faith  in  that  "  Day 
of  Yah  well  "  that  Amos  had  preached.  The  doctrine 
was  perhaps  much  older  than  these  prophets,  but  they 
used  it  earnestly;  and  it  became  very  important  a 
century  later  in  the  hands  of  Zephaniah. 

We  reach  now  the  discourses  preached  at  the  be- 
ginning of  Ahaz's  reign,  about  735  B.C.  Isaiah  dis- 
trusted the  boy-king  and  denounced  him  and  his 
court  and  its  harem-rule.  Here  is  a  glimpse  into 
the  morals  of  the  time  on  the  one  hand,  and  a  picture 
of  the  preacher  on  the  other.  In  iii.  1-15  we  read 
of  childish  wilfulness,  tyranny,  irreverence,  and  con- 
fusion. But  the  height  of  the  charge  and  of  the  wrong 
is  that  they  whom  Yahweh  intrusted  with  the  care  of 
the  nation  are  grinding  the  face  of  the  afflicted.  The 
rulers  are  devouring  the  vineyard  of  god;  for  the 
comfort  of  the  poor  is  identified  with  the  interests  of 
deity.  This  is  the  beginning  of  a  long  and  large 
theological  development  that  grew  rich  in  later 
days. 

We  may  pass  the  oracle  against  the  proud  ladies  of 
Jerusalem,  iii.  16-iv.  1,  with  its  satire  and  scorn  for 
their  haughtiness,  vanity,  immodesty,  and  its  cry  that 
shame  shall  come. 

The  Song  of  the  Vineyard  gathers  up  the  strength 
of  the  songs  we  have  seen,  and  chants  it  all  in  three 
stanzas.     The  first  and  second  end  with  the  refrain  : 

"  He  looked  for  good  grapes  : 
But  it  bore  vile  grapes !  " 


ISAIAH  :    SUBSTANCE   OF  HIS   SERMONS  91 

The  third  has  a  refrain  that  interprets  its  predeces- 
sors, but  does  so  with  a  perfect  Hebrew  wizardry  of 
diction  : 

**  He  looked  for  justice  ;  but,  behold,  bloodshed  ! 
He  looked  for  righteousness  ;  but,  behold,  outcry  !  "  ^ 

The  first  stanza  with  its  alluring  song  of  a  friend's 
vineyard  pictures  a  man's  devotion  and  then  his  dis- 
appointment. The  second  stanza  appeals  to  the  re- 
vengeful spirit  of  the  audience  and  pictures  the  dis- 
appointed vinedresser  angry  and  destroying.  The 
third  stanza  chants  how  the  people  are  the  vineyard, 
untrue  to  the  owner  Yahweh.  The  deity  is  full  of 
fury,  and  will  have  no  mercy.  He  demands  a  public 
justice  above  suspicion,  but  justice  there  is  none. 
The  cry  of  his  suffering  poor  rends  the  heart  of  the 
listening  god. 

The  next  oracle  is  chapter  v.  8-24,  the  sixfold,  or 
should  it  be  sevenfold,  cry  of  scorn  and  woe,  where 
each  stanza  begins  with  the  simple  but  fierce  "  Ha!  " 
The  wrong-doers  are  the  land  monopolists,  greedy 
feasters,  mockers  of  religion,  false,  conceited,  lovers 
of  strong  drink.  The  gluttony  was  probably  that  of 
greedy  men  and  women  at  religious  meals.  The 
attitude  of  Yahweh  toward  these  is  altogether  re- 
vengeful. He  has  no  grace.  The  prophet  thinks  of 
Sheol,  the  awful  abode  of  the  dead,  as  a  ready  in- 
strument for  the  avenging  Yahweh  to  use.  The 
conception  of  Sheol  is  thus  quite  well  known.     But 

'  Note  the  effective  play  on  the  Hebrew  sounds  : 

"  He  looked  for  Mishpat ;  but,  behokl,  Mispach  ! 
He  looked  for  Qedhaqah ;  but,  behold,  (^eaqah !  " 


92  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

Isaiah  knows  other  possibilities  of  nemesis.  Land 
monopoly  he  sees  must  bring  death  to  all  and  at 
last  to  the  monopoliser  himself.  His  most  striking 
denunciation  is  that  against  cool  mockery  of  the  love 
and  patience  of  Yahweh.  Isaiah  knows  the  love  and 
devotion  in  Yahweh 's  character,  although  he  does  not 
regard  this  as  redemptive  love.  That  is  yet  to  come. 
The  last  of  this  series  of  oracles  begins  with  chap- 
ter V.  25,  which  is  then  followed  by  ix.  7-x.  4 ;  and 
V.  26-30.  This  is  the  "  Chant  of  the  Outstretched 
Arm."  It  is  like  an  awful  funeral  dirge,  across  which 
strikes  ever  and  anon  the  refrain : 

"  For  all  this  his  anger  is  not  turned  away ; 
And  his  arm  is  stretched  out  still !  " 

The  first  stanza  chants  the  pain-fraught  pride  of  Is- 
rael. The  second  laments  the  chastisement  that  did 
not  chasten.  Those  who  should  lead  mislead,  and  are 
worst  of  all.  The  third  cries  that  all  the  scourge  of 
cruel  strife  has  not  yet  worked  repentance.  There- 
fore, more  evil  shall  come.  The  fourth  points  out 
that  amid  all  the  distress  judges  play  the  fool  and  the 
literary  men  publish  madness :  the  nemesis  shall  be 
fearful.  There  is  a  low  roar  along  the  far  horizon ; 
Assyria's  army  is  marching  on  to  overwhelm  Israel. 
The  last  stanza  changes  in  tone.  The  style  is  as 
wonderful  and  lofty  as  ever ;  but  Isaiah  seems  to 
be  feeling  that  nemesis  will  not  convert  men.  He 
sounds  no  knell ;  he  chants  no  refrain.  The  closing 
cry  is  like  a  low  moan  of  sadness. 

A  new  spirit  breathes  through  all  the  oracles  that 
follow.     We   saw  above   how  the   alliance  between 


ISAIAH:    SUBSTANCE   OF   HIS   SERMONS  93 

Syria  and  Israel,  to  resist  the  advance  of  Assyria,  ex- 
posed Aliaz  to  the  loss  of  his  chieftainship  because 
he  declined  to  join  the  alliance  and  preferred  to 
favour  Assyria.  Jerusalem  and  its  king  were  in  dan- 
ger. What  now  of  Isaiah  ?  He  brings  cheerfulness 
by  his  faith  and  courage,  and  strength  by  his  wise 
counsel.     AYe  turn  to  the  oracles  of  734  B.C. 

Chapter  vi.,  telling  the  story  of  the  prophet's  origi- 
nal call,  has  been  prefixed  to  these  oracles,  either  by 
the  prophet  himself  or  by  his  editor.  We  have  seen 
the  substance  of  the  chapter  already. 

In  ch.  vii.  1-16  we  see  Isaiah  going  to  Ahaz,  tak- 
ing with  him  his  boy  named  "  Shear -Jaslmhli^'  i.e.y 
"  There  is  a  remnant  that  is  to  return."  This  oracu- 
lar name  was  to  be  to  Ahaz  just  what  Isaiah  had  re- 
ceived in  the  day  of  his  call.  The  prophet  says,  a 
little  later  on,  that  he  himself  and  the  children  Yah- 
weh  gave  him  were  for  signs  and  wonders,  even  when 
the  deity  was  hiding  his  face.  So  now,  even  if  Ahaz 
will  not  hear  his  words,  and  although  many  cannot 
hear,  yet  Isaiah  believes  that  lives  seen  are  oracles 
received.  On  that  day  all  would  know  that  Isaiah 
had  gone  to  Ahaz ;  that  Isaiah  lived  and  believed  in 
Yah  well's  goodness  and  help ;  and  that  Isaiah,  whose 
name  meant  "  Yahweli  saves,"  was  a  fact  as  much 
as  the  facts  of  trouble  or  of  sin.  This  is  no  little 
matter,  but  a  high  level  of  attainment  in  the  history 
of  the  religion  of  those  people. 

Ahaz  is  inspecting  his  water-supplies  in  view  of  a 
siege.     Isaiah  approaches  and  says  : 

"  Take  care  to  keep  calm  ; 
Fear  not,  nor  be  faiiit-liearted. 


94  THE   PROPUETS   OF  GOODNESS 

Thus  bath  lordly  Yahweh  said  ; 

The  league  shall  not  stand 

These  leaguers  are  ! — who  are  they?" 

But  here  a  few  words  seem  to  have  dropped — or  was 
the  ellipsis  purposed  ?  Isaiah  meant  "  Their  head  is 
such  ;  but  our  Head  is  Yahweh."    Now  he  continues  : 

*'  If  ye  hold  not  fast,  verily  ye  shall  not  stand  fast." 

This  particular  oracular  idea  was  a  favourite  with 
Isaiah.  Now  he  wished  to  strengthen  the  prince,  or 
perhaps,  only  to  test  him,  and  discover  whether  he 
would  "  keep  calm."  In  YaliAveh's  name  he  bids  Ahaz 
ask  for  himself  any  sign  he  chooses.  He  means,  of 
course,  a  sign  of  the  wisdom  of  standing  still.  Now 
follow  a  few  things  which  have  been  singularly  used 
and  even  misused.  First  comes  the  prince's  wise 
answer : 

*'  I  am  not  going  to  ask  ; 
And  I  am  not  going  to  keep  testing  Yahweh." 

These  last  two  words  seem  like  an  echo  of  words  in 
the  Yahwistic  narrative.  Ahaz  feels  he  ought  not  to 
do  as  the  faithless  nomads  did.^     Isaiah  answers  : 

•'  Hear  ye,"  O  house  of  David. 

Is  it  too  little  for  you  to  make  a  few  men  weary  : 
But  ye  are  also  going  to  make  my  God  weary? 
Therefore  my  lordly  One  is  going  to  give  a  sign  to  you." 

^  See  §  49  in  the  Yahwistic  story,  or  Exodus  xvii.  2  f. 

"^  The  word  is  plural  and  so  it  is  not  necessarily  meant  for  Ahaz, 
who  is  previously  addressed  always  in  the  singular.  Isaiah  proba- 
bly turns  to  address  the  court,  the  others  about  the  king  who  might 
not  be  so  sensible  as  Ahaz  and  v^ould  like  "  a  sign." 


ISAIAH:    SUBSTANCE   OF   HIS   SERMONS  95 

Surely  we  must  cease  to  find  fault  with  Aliaz  on  ac- 
count of  his  unwillingness  "to keep  testing  Yahweh": 
for,  in  the  first  place,  he  does  what  is  right ;  and,  in 
the  second  place,  Isaiah's  next  words  are  not  certainly 
addressed  to  him ;  and  thirdly,  if  Isaiah's  words  imply 
some  displeasure,  the  cause  of  this  is  not  necessarily 
the  words  uttered  by  Ahaz,  but  perhaps  some  weak- 
ness that  Isaiah  expects  in  days  to  come  ;  and,  finally, 
even  if  Isaiah  be  vexed  with  Ahaz's  words,  Isaiah 
could  make  mistakes  and  should  rather  congratulate 
himself  that  Aliaz  does  not  put  to  the  test  his  chal- 
lenge to  furnish  any  sign  he  might  ask. 

But  now  comes  the  special  oracle  which  has  been 
strangely  used.  Isaiah  proceeds  to  give  the  sign  he 
has  promised,  thus : 

*'  See  the  veiled  woman  who  has  conceived  and  is  bearing ! 

C  she  shall,  or      ) 
Then    <  thou  shalt,  or   >  crj  his  name  Immanu-El  (A  deity 

( I  shall  )  is  with  us). 

Curd  and  grape  juice  he  shall  eat. 
(For  his  knowing  to  refuse  what  is  bad 
And  to  choose  what  is  pleasing), ^ 
For  in  the  time  ere  yet  the  youth  is  to  know  refusal  of  what 

is  bad, 
And  choice  of  what  is  good, 
The  soil  is  going  to  be  forsaken, 
Before  whose  two  kings  thou  art  disgusted." 

Very  evidently  the  child  meant  by  Isaiah  is  within, 
at  most,  a  few  weeks  of  birth.  The  reader  can  re- 
flect for  himself  on  the  ancient  and  modern  misuse 
of    the  promise.     To  Ahaz    the   oracle    meant  that 

'  The  passage  in  parenthesis  is  probably  a  gloss. 


96  THE  PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

there  was,  or  was  to  come  within  a  few  weeks,  a  wide- 
spread coutidence  throughout  all  the  homes  of  Judah 
in  the  presence  around  them  of  a  great  helping  deity  ; 
and  the  token  of  this  would  be  seen  in  a  simple 
mother's  choice,  or  the  king's,  or  the  prophet's 
choice  of  a  name  for  the  babe  now  nearing  birth. 
With  glad  restfulness  they  would  call  the  babe  by  a 
name  that  meant  "  We  know  that  there  is  a  deity  be- 
side us,  shielding  us."  The  religion  of  the  prophet 
and  people  is  manifest. 

Chapters  viii.  1-ix.  6  may  be  divided  into  the 
following  five  oracles  :  viii.  1-4,  5-10, 11-18, 19-22, 
ix.  1-6.  These  probably  differ  in  date  and  occasion 
and  possibly  even  in  authorship.  However,  we  may 
set  down  easily  the  Isaian  religious  ideas  expressed  in 
them.  First,  an  oracle  is  again  attached  to  the  life  of 
a  child,  for  Isaiah  names  his  new  infant  Maker -slia- 
lal-hash-baz,  "  Speed-spoiling-haste-harrying."  Such 
trouble  will  Yahweh  cause  to  Judah's  enemies.  This 
is  virtually  the  same  oracle  that  was  whispered  by  the 
young  mother's  lips  as  she  named  her  child  Imman- 
uel,  and  it  expressed  the  same  faith  in  a  coming  deliv- 
erance. Even  the  invisibility  of  the  helper  shall  be 
no  bar  to  cheer,  for  sense  perceives  at  times  his  near- 
ness. Therefore,  cries  Isaiah,  let  us  grasp  his  hand  ; 
leagued  with  him  we  need  fear  no  foe.  But  even  more 
comfort  is  given.  Let  doubt  of  his  hand  be  dis- 
pelled !  In  the  lone  hour  of  darkness,  wailing  itself  is 
strength ;  and  we  have  really  visible  signs  from  God. 
Our  own  life  and  our  children  are  his  gifts  and  prove 
his  love  and  our  safety.  Other  gods  and  ghostly 
revelations  will  produce  only  cursing. 


ISAIAH  :    SUBSTANCE   OF   HIS   SERMONS  97 

Now,  in  the  next  section,  light  where  darkness  was 
has  shone  in ;  a  young  prince  has  been  born.  Yah- 
weh  has  verily  fulfilled  the  expectations  ;  and  Isaiah 
trusts  that  this  babe  shall  bear  the  character  for  wis- 
dom, bravery,  calm  control  that  the  nation  needs  and 
that  Yahweh  can  give.  This  is  certainly  political,  but 
it  is  also  an  outpouring  of  the  prophet's  deep  religious 
nature  and  it  illustrates  the  theology  of  the  Hebrews 
at  one  of  their  highest  points. 

This  series  of  utterances  preached  amid  the  war  of 
734  is  closed  by  two  found  in  xvii.  1-6  and  9-11. 
They  predict  first  the  entire  destruction  of  Syria, 
and  then  the  destruction  of  Israel.  The  latter  pas- 
sage is  very  interesting  for  our  purpose,  because 
Isaiah  plainly  speaks  of  other  deities  besides  Yah- 
weh as  realities  to  him,  although  he  naturally  despises 
them.     He  says  : 

**  For  thou  hast  forgotten  thy  God  of  help  ; 
Thou  art  going  to  plant  Naaman  plants. ' 
'Tis  a  stranger's  slips  thou  art  going  to  plant. 
But— they'll  fail." 

This  expectation  of  ruin  for  Damascus  and  Samaria 
was  well-grounded.  But  Isaiah  was  not  always  cor- 
rect in  his  forecasts.  In  725  B.C.  he  chanted  a  finely 
^  stanzaic  dirge  for  Tyre,  as  if  Shalmaneser  IV.  were 
sure  to  destroy  that  city  of  vikings. 

*'  Yahweh,  lord  over  all  hosts,  hath  devised  it, 
Yahweh  hath  given  charge  concerning  Canaan." 

'Literally  "anemones,"  tlie  red  flowers  sacred  to  Adonis  and 
eymbolising  the  droi)s  of  his  blood. 


98  THE  PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

But  this  reading  of  the  future  was  mistaken.  And 
this  is  an  important  element  in  his  theology.  The 
strength  of  his  confidence  in  Yahweh  led  him  at 
times  to  pass  out  from  the  legitimate  domain  of 
knowledge  concerning  Yahweh's  moral  character,  his 
truth,  purity,  and  grace,  into  another  domain,  that  of 
knowledge  of  God's  providential  action.  But  here 
his  claim  was  illegitimate,  for  a  human  mind  does 
not  possess  all  the  data  of  providential  procedure ; 
whereas  in  the  other  domain  he  may  know  the  whole 
of  the  data,  namely,  the  love  of  God. 

From  723  B.C.,  and  thereabouts,  we  have  several 
great  discourses  circling  about  the  doom  of  the 
northern  people.  Sargon  destroyed  that  people 
when  he  came  to  the  throne  and  supreme  command. 
So  xvii.  12-14  is  a  vision  of  the  terrible  onrushing 
of  the  Assyrian  hosts.  Isaiah  declares  in  faith,  that 
Yahweh  controls  this. 

In  xxviii.  1-6  the  exquisitely  eloquent  wail  for  Sa- 
maria is  of  moment  for  us ;  partly,  indeed,  for  its  fine 
moral  scorn  for  the  silly  debasements  of  intoxication, 
but  chiefly  for  its  claim  that  the  Assyrian  overwhelm- 
ing host  is  but  one  of  the  sky- darkening  storms  that 
Yahweh  brings  and  rules.  Now  we  read  the  vivid 
magnificent  picture  of  x.  24-34,  where  Isaiah  looks  out 
from  the  northern  gate  of  Jerusalem  over  the  mountain- 
tops  and  sees  what  he  thinks  will  be  the  line  of  march 
of  the  Assyrian  army,  fresh  from  the  destruction  of 
Samaria  and  eager  for  more  booty,  meaning  to  pick 
up  Zion  as  one  picks  fruit  to  eat.  The  picture  is 
prefaced  with  a  calm  utterance  of  faith  that  "all  will 
be  well."     Then  all  the  more  splendid  are  the  strokes 


ISAIAH  :    SUBSTANCE   OF  HIS   SERMONS  99 

that  sketch  the  lightning  march  through  well-known 
gorge  and  pass  and  village,  ever  nearer  to  the  be- 
loved Zion  ;  till  just  before  the  gates  all  ceases.  The 
army  with  its  lances  is  like  a  forest,  but  Yahweh  is 
the  great  forester. 

**  See  the  lordly  One,  Yahweh,  ruler  of  all  hosts," 

will  surely  hew  them  all  down.  But  Assyria  did  not 
make  this  march.  The  eloquent  expectation  is  one 
more  quite  unfulfilled  prophecy. 

There  is  much  uncertainty  of  date  for  ch.  xi.  1-9, 
the  lofty  conception  of  the  rule  of  an  ideal  king 
over  the  saved  land.  It  is  Isaiah's  second  picture  of 
such  a  prince.  It  seems  fit  to  belong  to  this  date. 
There  are  expressed  in  it  several  features  of  Isaiah's 
faith  important  in  order  to  understand  his  theology. 
Foremost  is  his  view  that  a  man's  power  over  men 
lies  in  the  godlikeness  of  his  spirit.  To  the  prophet, 
the  spirit  that  moved  a  man  was  not  something 
altogether  within  him,  but  rather  enfolding  him, 
and  thus  working  wisdom  and  reverence,  fairness 
and  faithfulness,  and  giving  him  success  in  safe  and 
happy  government.  The  spirit  causes  hioioing  ;  and 
almost  on  Hosea's  old  theory,  it  is  this  knowledge 
that  causes  goodness.  But  the  happy  life  under  a 
king  of  such  spirit  consists  very  largely  of  material 
blessings;  and  more,  these  material  blessings  are  to 
be  accomplished  by  the  essential  alteration  of  nature. 
"  The  lion  shall  eat  straw  like  the  ox,"  etc.  The 
passage  is  poetical  and  may  be  hyperbolical,  so  we 
need  scarcely  trouble  over  the  contradiction  between 
the   two  features  just  described;  and  yet    even  the 


100  THE   PROPHETS   OF  GOODNESS 

peaceful  rule  and  the  harmless  world  are  both,  one  as 
much  as  the  other,  unfulfilled  expectations.  Here 
again  Isaiah's  predictions  wandered  away  from  his 
legitimate  domain. 

In  715  B.C.  the  king  Ahaz  died  ;  and,  as  we  have 
said,  the  Philistine  peoples  were  loudly  exultant. 
Was  not  the  pro-Assyrian  gone?  Isaiah,  in  xiv.  28- 
32,  bids  them  forbear  from  that  glee  ;  for  he  warns 
them  that  the  Assyrian  emperor  himself  will  come 
with  an  army  that  leaves  never  a  straggler.  Then 
shall  Philistia  faint.  And  then  they  may  expect  even 
Judali  to  be  harried,  too ;  but — here  is  the  impor- 
tance for  us  of  this  utterance — the  king  of  Judah  will 
be  able  to  tell  all  his  people  that — 

*'  Yahweh  is  founding  Zion ! 
And  in  her  his  people's  bowed  ones  are  going  to  trust. " 

Here  is  Isaiah's  first  clear  ^tterance  of  faith  in  the 
safety  of  Zion — as  a  citadel  certainly  and  not  as  a 
sanctuary.  It  may  be  that  this  is  the  source  of  the 
later  Zion  doctrine.  Isaiah  was  able  to  see,  as  anyone 
else  could  see,  how  inviolable  Jerusalem  naturally 
was,  perched  up  2,000  feet  on  barren  mountains,  far 
aside  from  the  great  roads,  a  very  little  place,  almost 
a  village.  But  the  prophet  points  out  the  hand  of 
Yahweh  in  this  and  sees  in  it  his  definite  choice. 
Here  is  the  essence  of  the  character  of  Isaiah  in  a 
sentence.  Yahweh  is  lord  of  all  things,  men,  doings 
and  movements. 

We  come  now  to  Isaiah's  discourses  and  theology 
during  the  reign  of  the  king  Hezekiah,  715  to  686  B.C. 


ISAIAH:    SUBSTANCE   C'F   nYS   SI  RIvTONS  .  ,101 

We  have  oracles  uttered  in  711,  704,  703,  702,  701,° 
B.C.,  but  none  later.  It  is  a  traditional  supposition 
that  the  prophet's  policy  controlled  Hezekiah ;  but  it 
is  remarkable  that  in  the  middle  of  the  reign  Isaiah's 
voice  suddenly  ceases  altogether.  We  should  have 
expected  to  hear  more  of  him  if  he  were  in  the  as- 
cendant and  giving  himself  to  royally  favoured  cere- 
monial reforms.  Even  if  he  died  amid  national  con- 
fidence and  honour  in  700  B.C.,  we  should  surely 
have  heard  something  of  this.  The  silence  is 
strange  unless  indeed  he  was  violently  silenced,  and 
even  murdered  because  his  words  were  opposed  to 
the  people's  ways  and  the  king  took  no  care  for 
him.  We  shall  see  that  the  succession  of  utterances 
from  711  to  701  means  steadily  growing  antagonism 
between  the  prophet  and  the  court. 

The  first  oracle  from  711  is  xx.  1-6.  It  attacks  a 
pro-Egyptian  tendency.  Isaiah's  religious  attitude 
is  at  once  notable.  In  the  first  place  he  uses  dress 
as  a  mode  of  discourse  and  wears  that  of  a  slave.  He 
knows  the  psychological  value  of  a  symbol ;  perhaps, 
too,  he  had  to  keep  silence  with  his  lips  as  Amos 
long  before  had  advised  the  prudent  ones  to  do. 
Then,  secondly,  he  proclaims  his  opinion  of  the  van- 
ity of  Egypt's  political  claims ;  but  he  attributes  his 
opinion  to  YahAveh,  who  has  conveyed  it  to  the  minds 
of  men  generally  along  the  Philistian  coast.  The 
passage  does  not  say  that  Isaiah  spoke  it ;  Yahweh 
spoke  it,  and  the  coast-dwellers  were  saying, 

*  *  If  Egypt  is  going  to  be  enslaved 
How  can  we  escape  ?  " 


102  THE   PKOPHETS   OF  GOODNESS 

The  prophet's  belief  in  the  deity's  management  of 
and  absorbing  interest  in  politics,  and  in  all  other 
outside  peoples  as  well  as  in  a  wise  and  happy  course 
for  Judah,  shows  us  what  his  theology  was. 

Very  closely  linked  on  here  by  their  nature  are  two 
utterances :  ch.  xvi.  14,  a  bit  of  resetting  of  an  old 
oracle  concerning  Moab,  warning  them  of  danger. 
Here  again  is  the  interest  in  other  peoples  flowing 
out  of  Yahweh's  love  for  all.  In  xxi.  16  f.,  Qedar 
too,  some  part  of  Arabia,  is  warned  of  coming  failure 
of  her  skilled  bowmen,  because  Yahweh  hath  spoken 
it.  These  two  passages  are  valuable  because  they 
show  the  prophet's  political  conviction  that  Assyria 
is  to  rule  all. 

Far  grander  words  follow  in  x.  5-15  and  its  proper 
sequel,  xiv.  24-27.  Isaiah's  love  for  his  own  land  is 
startled  by  a  fear  that  Sargon  may  actually  hurt 
Judah.  The  Assyrian  emperor-general  is  at  Ashdod, 
and  seems  to  have  said  that  Judah  and  her  king  and 
deity  are  of  little  consequence.  The  prophet's  soul 
kindles  with  indignation  and  towers  in  scorn  of  this 
man,  be  he  who  he  may,  who  is  such  a  fool  as  to 
think  to  laugh  at  Yahweh.  To  Isaiah  Judah's  god 
is  God  of  gods.  Yet  the  indictment  against  the 
Assyrian  is  not  altogether  that  he  has  questioned 
whether  Yahweh  is  identical  with  God,  the  Overlord. 
He  has  set  all  his  successes  to  the  credit  of  no  deity 
at  all,  but  to  that  of  his  own  hand  and  wisdom. 
There  Isaiah's  claim  is  unassailable  ;  ^  Sargon's,  as 

'  The  prophet  here  misrepresents  or  misunderstands  Sargon. 
Sargon  believed  in  his  gods  and  attributed  his  victories  and  suc- 
cesses to  them,  as  all  other  Semitic  rulers  did.     In  his  Khorsabad 


ISAIAH:    SUBSTANCE   OF  HIS   SERMONS        103 

represented,  is  madness.  The  prophet's  character  is 
sublime  in  this ;  and  so  is  his  declaration, 

**  Sworn  hath  Yahweh  of  Hosts,  to  wit : 
Surely  it  is  as  I,  even  I,  have  planned, 
So  it  shall  be." 

And  now  he  catches  up  from  words  of  years  ago : 

"  For  Yahweh  of  Hosts  hath  proposed, 
And  who  can  annul  it  ? 
And  his  is  the  outstretched  arm, 
And  who  can  turn  it  back  ?  " 

There  is  no  further  oracle  from  this  time,  circa  711 
B.C.,  but  it  was  very  likely  at  this  date  that  the 
events  occurred  which  underlie  Isaiah  xxxviii.  f. 
There  Isaiah  is  described  as  warning  Hezekiah  of 
the  folly  of  alliance  with  the  Babylonian  prince, 
the  enemy  of  Sargon.  This  Babylonian  prince  was 
overthrown  in  710  B.C.,  as  the  Eponym  Canon  shows. 

Now  we  reach  the  climax  of  the  oracles,  those  ut- 
tered when  Sargon  died  and  was  followed  by  an  even 
sterner  prince,  Sennacherib,  from  705  B.C.,  on  to 
701,  when  Isaiah  suddenly  disappeared.  The  oracles 
are  ten  in  number :  ^  (1.)  xxii.  15-18  ;  (2.)  xxviii.  7- 

inscription  he  writes,  "  Inasmuch  as  the  great  gods  in  their  steadfast 
purpose  chose  him,  and  granted  unto  him  an  heroic  might  over  all 
princes  .  .  .  during  his  reign  no  prince  was  his  equal,  in  war 
and  battle  he  knew  no  vanquisher. "  When  he  tells  of  his  conquest 
of  Cyprus  he  attributes  his  victory  to  the  "  Mighty  power  of  the 
great  gods  who  called  forth  his  weapons."  Sargon  had,  besides, 
some  exalted  ideas  of  the  responsibilities  his  gods  imposed  upon 
him. — [Craig  ] 

*  Given  as  in  Cheyne's  Polychrome  Isaiah^  pp.  27  ff. 


104  THE   PROPHETS    OF   GOODNESS 

22 ;  (3.)  xxix.  1-6,  9-10,  13  f. ;  (4.)  xxix.  15 ;  xxx. 
1-5  ;  xxx.  6  f. ;  xxxi.  1-3  ;  (5.)  xxx.  8-17  ;  (6.)  xxxi. 
4  f.  ;  (7.)  i.  1-26  ;  (8.)  xviii. ;  (9.)  i.  5-26 ;  (10.)  xxii. 
1-14.  They  are  less  read  and  less  understood  than 
those  of  the  prophet's  early  life.  Possibly  the  rea- 
son is  that  the  traditional  theory  of  Hezekiah's  at- 
titude makes  it  actually  impossible  to  comprehend 
how  Isaiah  could  say  such  things  concerning  Heze- 
kiah's government.  So  the  oracles  are  made  into  a 
riddle  by  this  faulty  tradition  and  they  are  conse- 
quently almost  erased  from  practical  use.  But  a 
study  of  the  eloquence  and  wise  counsel  in  the  oracles 
will  show  how  great  the  preacher  has  grown.  For  a 
grasp  of  Hebrew  theology  and  ethics  they  are  invalu- 
able authority.  Let  us  point  out  two  features  of  their 
whole  nature.  First,  they  are  all  full  of  contempt 
for  Egyptian  help  and  for  pro-Egyptian  politicians 
in  Judah.  In  other  words  Isaiah  has  risen  to  a  de- 
cided faith  in  world  empire  and  to  a  clear  view  con- 
cerning it.  To  him  the  unity  of  divine  control  by 
Yahweh  is  being  realised  through  the  overlordship 
of  the  Assyrian  empire.  Doubtless  the  king  Ahaz, 
who  has  often  been  lightly  esteemed,  but  who  steadily 
stood  as  in  some  sense  the  representative  of  Assyria 
in  Palestine,  had  helped  to  bring  Isaiah  to  this  view. 
Secondly,  there  stands  in  the  front  in  all  these  oracles 
a  growing  faith  in  the  safety  of  Zion,  not  so  much  as 
a  sanctuary  or  a  place  of  forgiveness,  but  as  a  fortress. 
He  was  more  and  more  attributing  its  almost  inac- 
cessible position,  and  its  undesirability  as  a  prize  for 
invaders,  to  the  all-controlling  guidance  of  Yahweh. 
These  two  points  go  together.     If  only  the  king  and 


ISAIAH  :    SUBSTANCE   OF    HIS    SERMONS       105 

the  people  will  liave  nothing  to  do  with  the  insidious, 
worthless  Egyptian  government,  and  will  not  vex  and 
irritate  Assyria,  then  Jerusalem  shall  be  the  safe,  aye, 
and  supreme  home  of  Yahweh. 

Of  the  oracles  separately,  a  few  wordc  will  show 
the  nature  and  sequence. 

Ch.  xxii.  15-18  condemns  selfishness,  especially  in 
a  courtier  whose  great  aim  is  to  have  a  fine  carriage 
and  a  fine  tomb.  Isaiah  promises  him  travel,  but 
on  foot  and  to  Assyria ;  and  a  grave  there  in  soil 
wherein  even  Yahweh  cannot  keep  him  safe  from  the 
powers  unseen.  Isaiah's  theory  of  the  soil  is  not  a 
fully  logical  outcome  of  his  trust  in  Yahweh. 

Ch.  xxviii.  7-22  is  the  brilliant  vintage  discourse 
based  on  the  passage,  vv.  1-6,  that  had  been 
preached  to  Samaria  twenty  years  before.  The 
sketch  of  people,  drunken,  and  that  in  fellowship 
with  drunken  priests  and  prophets,  is  all  most 
dramatic.  For  our  purpose  we  note  the  following 
particulars  :  The  condemnation  of  intoxications  that 
debase  the  mind  and  religious  life,  and  of  falsehoods ; 
the  eloquent  scorn  of  secret  pro-Egyptian  politics; 
the  evident  familiarity  of  preacher  and  audience  with 
the  idea  of  the  Underworld,  as  a  sort  of  person,  or 
almost  a  deity,  with  whom  and  in  whose  secret  places 
men  can  dwell  consciously  and  even  be  busy;  the 
finely  repeated  assertion  of  the  natural,  because  di- 
vinely created,  strength  and  safety  of  the  fortress 
Zion ;  the  essential  importance  of  a  trusting  spirit  in 
men  and  nation ;  and,  finally,  the  unfailing  certainty 
of  all  that  Yahweh  decrees,  whether  it  be  protection 
or  destruction. 


106  THE   PKOPIIETS   OF   GOODNESS 

111  cb.  xxix.  1-6  a  storm  breaking  over  Jerusalem 
sug>i,ests  to  the  prophet  that  Yahweh  may,  indeed, 
himself  besiege  Jerusalem  and  then  she  certainly 
shall  be  ruined.  No  place  of  military  strength  or  of 
worship  is  too  sacred  for  him  to  destroy  if  it  be 
opposed  to  his  way. 

In  xxix.  9  f.,  Isaiah  boldly  says  the  astonishment 
at  his  attitude  and  condemnations  is  feigned.  Then 
he  adds  his  belief  that  their  conduct  and  their  blind- 
ness to  their  danger  are  actually  brought  upon  them 
by  Yahweh  as  a  judicial  visitation.  This  doctrine 
appeared  indeed  much  earlier,  and  it  is  not  at  all 
strange  in  a  Semite.  All  the  oriental  peoples  were  so 
filled  with  a  sense  of  the  overwhelming  and  overrul- 
ing power  of  their  deity  that  they  tended  easily  to 
such  a  doctrine. 

In  ch.  xxix.  13  f.  is  another  fragment  that  reveals 
much  of  the  prophet's  mind.  He  distinguishes  be- 
tween formal  Avorship  and  the  attachment  of  the  heart 
to  the  deity.  He  points  significantly  to  a  certain  un- 
healthy would-be  wisdom,  which  seems  to  have  taught 
even  then  that  the  deity  may  be  appeased  with  forms ; 
while  worldly  policy  and  safe  policy  are  matters  in 
which  the  Yahweh  prophet  had  better  be  neglected. 

Now  we  reach  again  the  main  point  of  practical 
attack,  the  pro-Egyptian  policy.  There  are  four 
passages  which  condemn  this  in  plain  words  :  the  first, 
xxix.  15,  declares  that  this  would-be  secret  policy  is 
well  known  by  Yahweh ;  the  second,  xxx.  1-5,  is  a 
direct  condemnation  of  the  policy  because  it  is  bad 
policy  entered  upon  without  consulting  Yahweh  and 
therefore  sinful. 


ISAIAH:    SUBSTANCE   OF  HIS   SEPwMONS        107 

The  fourth  cry  against  the  Egyptian  alliance,  xxxi. 
1-3  or  1-5,  is  almost  more  fully  theological  than  any 
earlier  passage.  For  it  asserts  that  Yahweh  is  as  much 
a  reality  as  the  visible  horses  and  chariots  of  Egypt. 
Isaiah  argues  a  good  deal  as  Hosea  had  done,  con- 
cerning the  difference  between  the  nature  of  a  god 
and  of  other  beings,  and  the  consequent  difference  in 
the  helpfulness  of  these.  Yahweh  the  holy  or  devoted 
one  of  Israel  is  a  spirit,  and  only  a  spirit  can  help  or 
can  destroy. 

Ch.  XXX.  8-17,  the  third  of  these  attacks  on  Egypt, 
has  several  features  of  much  importance  for  our  pur- 
pose ;  viz.,  these  :  the  use  of  ivritten  oracle  is  distinctly 
undertaken ;  and  the  object  is  to  give  future  evidence 
of  the  fact  of  the  testimony  ;  the  prophet's  spoken  ora- 
cle has  been  prohibited  by  the  people  and  doubtless  by 
the  government  and  prince.  This  prohibition  is  at- 
tributed to  a  deep  cause,  the  deadly  wilfulness  of  men. 
Isaiah's  ethical  reflection  is  probing  very  far.  All  the 
time  the  character  of  Yahweh  has  been  full  of  eager 
desire  to  keep  the  people  in  quiet  security.  They 
have  run  away  from  love.  Certainly  the  prophet  is 
here  showing  us  his  idea  of  love  as  his  own  supreme 
duty  and  at  the  same  time  his  conception  of  the 
character  of  the  deity. 

Probably  i.  1-26  gives  a  picture  of  the  morals  of 
Jerusalem  at  this  time.  The  people  are  sinful,  guilt- 
laden,  their  doing  evil,  their  sins  scarlet,  red  as  crim- 
son. The  catalogue  enumerates  these  wrongs :  for- 
saking Yahweh,  violence,  want  of  justice  to  the  orphan 
and  the  widow,  harlotry,  lawless  rulers,  bribery,  disre- 
gard of  the  needy  and  extortionate  charges  for  their 


108  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

defence.  And  yet  amid  all  this  evil,  and  in  hope  of 
obtaining  Yahweli's  help  against  siege  and  suffering, 
certain  things  are  practised  which  in  Isaiah's  opinion 
are  useless ;  namely,  slaughter-sacrifices  or  feasts, 
burnt-offerings,  temple  processions,  offerings  of  sweet- 
incense,  observance  of  assemblies,  new  moons,  and 
sabbaths,  fasts  and  solemn  prayers.  This  does  not 
prove  that  Isaiah  counted  no  prayer  good ;  but  it 
does  prove  that  he  did  not  think  the  prayers  offered 
in  the  sacrificial  system  of  his  times  a  divinely 
ordained  plan  of  salvation.  The  system  was  of 
course  the  national  method  of  sacrificial  feasts, 
and  not  at  all  identical  with  the  Aaronitic  system. 
Of  that  Isaiah  seems  to  have  no  knowledge;  al- 
though if  he  did  know  it,  he  did  not  exalt  it  to 
honour.  His  "  soul  hates "  the  sacrificial  system 
that  he  knows. 

To  this  same  period  belongs  chap,  xviii.  Judah 
was  hemmed  in  by  angry  Assyria.  Jerusalem  was 
now  in  danger.  Now  Isaiah's  patriotism  burns  and 
he  feels  in  it  the  divine  afflatus.  He  runs  to  the 
rescue.  Yahweh,  says  he,  will  await  his  own  hour 
and  then  arise  to  lop  the  Assyrian's  branches  and 
throw  the  invaders  for  food,  a  long  horrid  feast,  to 
the  vultures  and  the  wolves. 

Finally,  ch.  xxii.  14  is  a  doubly  sad  cry ;  it  seems 
to  have  roused  the  people  to  kill  Isaiah.  For  some 
reason  Sennacherib  marched  away  leaving  Jerusalem 
free.  He  had  reduced  it,  pillaged  its  court,  and  he 
was  done  with  it.  The  day  of  deliverance  was  turned 
into  a  day  of  revelry.  The  prophet  seems  to  have 
remonstrated  and  called  the  people  to  solemn  recog- 


ISAIAH-    SUBSTANCE   OF   HIS   SERMONS        109 

nition  of  Yahweh's  hand  iu  these  events.  The  peo- 
ple replied  : 

*'  Let  us  eat  and  drink  ! 
For  to-morrow  we  die." 

They  had  no  glad,  large  trust  in  Yahweh  ;  and  they 
were  beast-like  in  their  orgies.  Isaiah's  wrath  burst 
out  in  fierce  denunciation. 

'*  Surely  the  Lord  of  Hosts  hath  revealed  it  in  my  ears ; 
Surely  this  iniquity  shall  not  be  cancelled  till  ye  die." 

The  oracles  cease  thus  darkly  and  suddenly.  We 
have  no  further  record  of  the  prophet.  The  explana- 
tion seems  most  likely  to  be  that  Isaiah  died  by  the 
hand  of  the  angry  people. 

Outline  of  3IicaKs  Preaching, 

We  may  add  here  a  brief  outline  of  Micah's  preach- 
ing. Micah  is  rather  a  man  of  the  ordinary  people 
in  whom  we  may  see  the  impression  the  other  preach- 
ers produced.     He  discourses  : 

Of  Samaria i.  1-7  A  picture  of  her  ruin. 

8-16.  Micah's  wail  for  her. 

Of  Judah ii.  1-4.  Woe  to  Judah  also. 

5-7.  Judah's  retort.  ^ 

8-11.  Micah's  stern  reply. 

After     Samaria's)   •••    ,   ^       t  ^  u>    v  j  ^t 

fall      "22  B  c         C  "^'  Judah  s  bad  government.' 

5-8.     Judah's  bad  prophets. 

9-12.  All  these  are  ruining  Zion, 

'  The  word  pnp  here  translated  congregation^  sounds  as  late  at 
least,  as  the  Deuteronomists.     This  might  be  certainly  720  b.c. 

-Judah  seems  now  to  have  appropriated  the  title  ''house  of 
Israel." 


110  THE  PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

Less  certainly  from  )     ^   ^^^    Perhaps  under  Manasseh,  686-641. 


the  same  Micah. 

9-16.  On  dishonesty, 
vii.  1-6.     On  the  lack  of  good  men. 


CHAPTER   IV 

ETHICS  AND  THEOLOGY  OF  THE   GREAT  MORAL  PROPHETS 

1.  The  Primary  Fact  and  Feature  in  these  3Ioral 
Preachers. 

They  were  primarily  preachers  of  righteousness, 
and  of  righteousness  as  the  character  and  the  pur- 
pose of  Yahweh,  the  god  of  Israel. 

They  do  not  follow  at  all  the  same  course  as  the 
Yahwists.  They  have  indeed  two  things  in  com- 
mon with  that  school  of  narrators.  They  know  a 
good  deal  of  the  story  which  the  Yahwists  tell. 
Amos  mentions  as  illustrations  a  few  items  in  it. 
Hosea  brings  frequent  illustrations  from  it ;  or,  not 
really  from  the  Yahwist's  tale,  for  at  times  he  fol- 
lows the  Elohistic  view  of  things ;  but  he  brings  his 
occasional  pictures  out  of  the  store  of  tradition  which 
he  uses  in  common  with  the  Yahwists.  He  is  not 
bound  to  any  form  of  it  that  we  know.  There  was 
no  authorised  or  authoritative  "  Torah  "  or  "  Teach- 
ing" concerning  the  past  which  he  could  use  as 
something  that  the  people  would  at  once  acknowl- 
edge as  divinely  given.  The  past  was  given  of  Yah- 
weh :  that  was  all  and  that  was  enough. 

But  the  Yahwists  had  written  in  a  tone  singularly 
touched  with  the  sense  that  "  as  a  people,  as  men,  we 
are  not  good  enough."     That  sense  is  now  the  whole 

111 


112  THE   PROPHETS   OF  GOODNESS 

soul  of  these  four  prophets.  They  belong  to  a 
people  whose  song-writers  and  narrators  w^ere  speak- 
ing out  a  strange,  awakened  consciousness  of  moral 
need.  Then  from  among  this  people  there  spring  to 
the  front  a  band  who  preach  "  Goodness."  "  Be  ye 
good.  God,  our  god,  is  good."  But  they  were  not  at 
all  narrators,  as  the  Yahwists  had  been. 

Again,  they  were  not  legislators  nor  teachers  of 
ceremonial  duty.  Indeed,  they  rarely  mention  leg- 
islation. The  deliverer  of  the  people  from  Egypt  is 
commonly  known  in  the  present  day  as  "Moses  the 
Lawgiver."  Hosea  calls  him  a  prophet,  and  he  was 
one  of  those  two  men  of  the  preachers  who  would 
have  been  likely  to  refer  to  systems  of  law,  for  he  was 
a  man  of  the  court.  The  other  man  of  the  court  was 
Isaiah,  and  he  utters  never  a  syllable  of  Moses,  al- 
though he  has  much  to  say  of  Egypt,  which  one  might 
think  could  have  found  points  of  support  in  quo- 
tation of  the  deeds  of  Egypt  in  Moses's  days.  All  of 
the  four  speak  of  teachers  or  allude  to  them,  and 
both  Hosea  and  Isaiah  say  that  the  function  of  priests 
was  to  teach.  But  now,  knowing  that,  we  may  be 
surprised  to  find  that  neither  of  these  nor  any  of  the 
four  has  any  respect  for  priests.  There  was  no 
honoured  Levitical  system  in  operation  here.  Nay 
more,  all  four  men  seem  bent  on  condemning  all  of 
the  ceremonies  and  sacrifices  which  they  know,  save 
in  the  one  case  where  Amos  regards  Nazarites  or 
Yow-pledged  men  as  in  some  way  emblems  of  Yah- 
weh's  will.  Amos  is  bitter,  Hosea  is  unsparing, 
Isaiah  is  scathing,  and  Micah  follows  faithfully  in  de- 
nunciation of  priests  and  of  all  sorts  of  ceremonies 


THE   GREAT   MORAL   PROPHETS  113 

aud  even  prayers.  Indeed  whatever  systems  did  ex- 
ist are  unanimously  treated  as  the  same  as  sin.  They 
are  all  heartless  and  a  disgust  to  Yahweh  ;  they  are 
largely  selfish  feasts  where  men  get  possessions,  and 
where  they  superstitiously  hope  to  curry  favour  with 
a  heaven  that  is  as  bad  as  themselves.  Certainly 
then  there  was  a  ceremonial  system  existing,  but  it 
was  all  bad  ;  and  these  preachers  of  goodness  and  of 
God  never  dream  of  calling  the  ceremonial  system 
a  divine  institution  or  of  appealing  to  it  as  originally 
a  dispensation  of  God,  or  a  way  of  pleasing  God  and 
attaining  pardon  for  sin  and  the  bliss  of  life. 

In  their  preaching  they  point  to  sins  many  and 
great,  and  they  condemn  them  utterly.  They  declare 
that  Yahweh  is  altogether  alienated  from  these  things 
and  from  the  people  because  of  them.  They  an- 
nounce the  coming  of  fearful  penalties  from  his  hand. 
But  they  plainly  condemn  evil  not  because  of  these 
penalties,  but  because  it  is  hateful  to  the  mind  of 
their  deity.  So,  too,  they  urge  men  to  seek  goodness 
because  it  is  what  Yahweh  delights  in. 

Here  is,  therefore,  a  decided  movement  forward. 
The  people  were  already  pervaded  with  the  moral 
sense  and  anxiety  ;  they  had  been  willing  to  listen  to 
a  story  related  with  such  a  tone.  But  now  something 
new  occurs.  There  is  a  deeper,  mightier  movement : 
a  great  offspring  is  brought  to  birth.  Four  men  arise 
who  do  more  than  feel,  and  more  than  describe  the 
past.  The  YahAvists  were,  as  it  were,  the  awaked  con- 
science}    These  four  prophets  are  the  awakened  icill. 

'  It  may  be  noted  here  that  there  is  no  special  word  in  Hebrew 
for  conscience^  nor  is  there  in  any  ancient  literature  until  the  time  of 


114  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

The  better  national  mind  conceives  now  a  deliberate 
purpose  and  cries:  "  We  must  be  good.  Supreme, 
inevitable  demand  is  on  us  and  in  our  souls.  We 
will  be  good.  And  all  the  nation  must."  This  is, 
one  might  say,  a  passing  forward  from  the  sense  of 
goodness,  the  moral  sense,  to  the  religious  sense,  the 
sense  of  an  awful  control,  the  disclosure  of  God. 

But  now  this  is  not  a  uniform  thing,  a  grasp  by 
everyone  of  the  necessity  of  regeneration,  and  this  in 
one  prescribed  way.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  a  rise  to 
great  mental  activity,  and  each  prophet  thinks  inde- 
pendently and  continuously.  No  two  of  them  agree 
absolutely.  The  one  moves  forward  from  the  views 
of  the  other.  More,  each  one  moves  steadily,  strik- 
ingly, from  view  to  view ;  and  at  the  end  of  Isaiah's 
life  he  is  seen  to  hold  very  different  views  from  those 
of  his  youth.  The  divine  truth  abides,  and  the  sense 
that  goodness  must  be.  But  as  to  what  that  goodness 
really  is,  each  is  continually  questioning  and  learning. 
Thus  the  result  of  the  deep  moral  awakening  was  a 
sense  of  the  presence  of  God  overwhelming  them, 
and  producing — never  numbness — but  the  most  ac- 
tive, intellectual,  reasoning  condition. 

As  preachers  they  exhibit  this  mental  activity  nat- 
urally in  great  effort  after  true  persuasiveness,  which 
is  true  eloquence.  They  use  every  method  possible, 
that  of  the  oracle,  or  brief,  pungent  popular  saying,  a 
watchword  or  battle-cry.  They  use  the  balanced 
rhythm  and  swing  of  verse,  shorter  and  keener,  or 

Zeno,  circa  320  B.C.,  when  we  first  meet  with  the  Greek  o-uj/ciS^o-tj. 
To  the  Hebrews  the  compulsions  of  conscience  were  the  commands 
of  Yahweh.  —  [Craig.] 


ETHICS   OF  THE   GREAT   MORAL   PROPHETS      115 

longer  and  more  Avooing,  or  one  more  awful.  Often  the 
Hebrew  alliteration  is  used  to  make  a  plea  or  a  charge 
strike  home.  Picture,  illustration,  imagination,  all 
the  armoury  of  the  pleader  is  constantly  under  com- 
mand. There  is  no  doubt  about  their  intense  purpose 
to  do  their  pleading  work,  and  to  use  every  possible 
means  to  that  end.  This  outburst  of  strong  souls 
and  eloquent  speech  was  an  epoch  in  Hebrew  history. 

2.    Tlie  Ethics  of  these  Prophets. 

Let  us  set  systematically  before  us,  in  brief,  the 
moral  position  and  demand  of  these  preachers ;  and 
first,  let  us  classify  the  sins  they  condemned. 

Amos  condemns  certain  evils  that  he  sees  in  fear- 
ful abundance  about  him  in  Samaria :  reckless  hurt 
to  bodily  life;  selfish  hurt  to  womanhood,  mother- 
hood, girlhood ;  indignity  to  the  sinner's  own  char- 
acter by  gluttony  and  by  great  luxury;  dishonesty 
and  commercial  fraud  ;  heedless  hurt  to  the  poor  who 
are  Yahweh's  special  clients ;  irreverence  toward  hu- 
manly sacred  things  and  tasks ;  infidel  thoughtless- 
ness concerning  deity;  destruction  of  efforts  after 
ideals ;  injustice  in  court.  All  these  things  are  un- 
righteousness. 

Hosea  sees  and  condemns  all  these :  but  his  atten- 
tion is  held  chiefly  by  the  particular  evils  following, 
viz. :  sexual  unfaithfulness ;  civil  quarrelling,  and  irrev- 
erence toward  governmental  order  and  favour  at  home 
and  abroad  ;  baseness  of  priests  or  religious  officers, 
with  multiplication  of  religious  regulations,  altars  and 
the  like  for  the  sake  of  increased  fees,  gain,  power; 


IIG  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

disliouour  of  even  the  hoariest  shrines  among  which 
Shechem  and  Bethel  seem  emphasised  in  Hos.  vi. 
9f.^  But  the  great  root  of  all  sin  is  ignorance  :  and 
men  are  ignorant  especially  of  Yahweh's  love  and  ten- 
derness. So  he  proceeds  to  discuss  and  condemn 
what  we  may  call  a  more  theological  sin,  namely,  a 
misreading  of  the  nature  of  a  true  deity  by  exalting  to 
divine  value  things  that  men  have  made,  ^osea's  con- 
demnation is  more  concentrated.  And  it  is  spoken, 
doubtless,  from  a  closer  personal  interest  in  the 
northern  kingdom,  and  also  with  deep  personal  care 
for  the  politics  of  the  nation. 

In  Isaiah  we  find  a  wide  range  of  condemnation, 
and  a  deep  probing  into  the  nature  of  evil.  This  prob- 
ing is  deeper  as  years  go  on  :  the  range  of  condemna- 
tion changes  and  progresses  in  extent  and  in  correct- 
ness. In  his  early  days  of  preaching  his  conscience  is 
roused  chiefly  against  luxury.  His  people,  he  thinks, 
ought  to  be  austere ;  should  have  little  or  nothing  to 
do  with  the  comfortable  ways  of  foreigners.  This  is, 
of  course,  an  imperfect  view  of  life  and  goodness ;  it 
springs  from  insular  vision.  But  he  condemns  also 
haughtiness,  and  the  excesses  of  drunkenness  and 
gluttony  at  sacrificial  feasts.  Sins  these  are  cer- 
tainly, but  they  are  fruits  rather  than  roots  of  sinful- 
ness. He  condemns  the  injury  done  to  poor  persons, 
as  done  to  those  in  whom  Yahweh  has  special  inter- 
est. This  had  been  the  teaching  of  Amos ;  but  noble 
as  it  is,  it  is  not  the  ultimate  position  of  ethics.  But 
Isaiah  shows  even  in  these  early  days  a  nature  that 
means  to  probe  deep,  when  he  strikes  at  the  evil  of 

'  Cf.  Wellhausen,  kl.  Proph.^  pp.  IG  and  114. 


ETHICS  OF  THE  GREAT  MORAL  PROPHETS   117 

land  monopoly  and  lays  bare  its  essential  deadliness. 
He  reaches  a  profound  depth  also,  when  he  condemns 
all  unreasonableness,  all  conceit  that  says  "  I  will  do 
as  I  like,"  even  if  it  be  to  say  bitter  is  sweet,  and  light 
is  darkness. 

There  is  a  deeper  insight  in  chapter  vi.,  which  is  the 
story  of  the  early  call,  but  is  prefixed  to  the  dis- 
courses of  the  second  period.  What  troubles  Isaiah's 
conscience  here  is  his  own  uncleanness,  and  not  the 
doings  of  the  people  about  him.  He  is  turning  to 
a  truer  criterion  of  sin,  the  sense  of  it  in  himself 
awakened  by  a  vision  of  God.  He  feels  uncleanness 
in  the  very  organs  and  centre  of  his  life  ;  and  then  he 
begins  to  reflect  upon  the  perversity  of  inner  nature 
that  is  heavy  and  dull  and  hard  to  arouse  to  sight  of 
good  and  duty.  So  in  this  period,  he  turns  to  test 
and  to  indict  the  actual  courses  of  conduct  taken  by 
leaders  who  ought  to  know,  rather  than  by  the  duller 
common  people.  He  goes  straight  to  the  king  and 
warns  him  of  the  danger  of  the  sin  of  distrusting  his 
god.  He  condemns  in  fiercest  words  the  civil  strifes 
of  Hebrew  people  against  Hebrew  people,  and  the 
conspiracies  laid  by  leaders.  Evidently  he  has  moved 
to  a  more  real  area.  The  sins  he  condemned  before 
were  bad  enough,  and  indeed  he  still  condemns  them, 
and  does  so  to  the  end ;  but  he  is  going  far  straighter 
to  the  core  of  evil  now.  He  accuses  leaders  of  set- 
ting little  value  on  deity,  and  therefore  turning  now 
to  one  and  now  to  another.  They  act  on  mistrust ; 
they  are  in  fretful  haste ;  they  have  in  mind  abso- 
lutely no  real  support  to  fall  back  upon.  So,  very 
easily,  a  vintage  season  and  its  excitements  lead  them 


118  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

to  try  the  drowning  of  fears  in  cups  and  excess,  or  to 
try  the  cool  shade  of  some  religious  trees  and  forget 
real  evils  amid  the  momentary  comforts. 

Then  he  reaches  the  great  political  task  of  his  life, 
and  tests  the  government's  policy  of  alliance  with 
Egypt.  He  exposes  its  uselessness,  and  calls  trust  in 
useless  things  a  sin.  He  tells  the  government  and 
people  that  man  is  not  a  fit  match  for  God  in  laying 
plans,  secret  or  open,  and  in  accomplishing  these. 
Yah  well,  that  is  God,  is  sure,  wise,  and  able,  although 
he  is  unseen ;  and,  moreover,  he  is  full  of  love  for 
Judah.  The  great  sin  of  the  people  is  their  reckless 
disregard  of  all  this.  There  are  some  who  go  further 
still  and  try  to  practise  astuteness  as  over  against 
the  prophet  and  his  god ;  such  astute  plans  to  man- 
age God  are  sin.  Even  Assyria,  with  all  its  power,  is 
mad  when  it  opposes  Yahweh. 

At  last,  there  is  a  great  sin,  "  the  inexpiable  sin," 
as  Professor  Cheyne  names  it,  to  wit,  failure  to  be 
serious,  solemn  ;  failure  silently  and  humbly  to  listen 
to  God's  voice  in  the  days  of  deliverance  and  joy. 
The  greatest  sin,  the  last  that  Isaiah  condemned,  was 
want  of  godly  thoughtfulness  amid  material  pleasures. 

Such,  then,  are  the  evils  that  these  prophets  con- 
demned. 

3.    The  Ideals  of  these  Prophets. 

Let  us  set  over  against  this  the  ideals  which  they 
held  up. 

Amos  demands  Goodness,  and  that  is  no  mere 
fancy  choice  made  at  random,  it  is  what  Yahweh 
chooses  and  loves.     In  order  to  attain  to  its  univer- 


IDEALS   OF  THE   GREAT   MORAL    PROPHETS      119 

sal  reign,  the  prophet  simply  bids  men  come  and 
seek  it  for  themselves.  He  does  not  directly  suggest 
the  need  of  help  to  do  so.  And  yet  he  does  imply 
help,  for  he  speaks  of  forgiveness  to  the  people,  as  a 
people,  because  they  are  little ;  and  he  teaches  em- 
phatically that  Yahweh  reveals  his  secret  mind  to  his 
servants,  the  prophets.  He  goes  even  further,  for 
he  tells  Amaziah  that  Yahweh  has  spoken  to  him, 
Amos ;  God  himself  has  directed  him  to  preach, 
although  he  was  no  prophet.  On  the  other  hand,  if 
men  will  not  seek  good  they  shall  die ;  Yahweh  is 
determined  to  have  goodness  in  the  earth ;  and  all  the 
sinners  of  his  people  are  to  die.  This  death  is  a  cer- 
tain unhappy  descent  into  Sheol,  which  we  know 
from  other  sources  to  have  been  conceived  as  a  dim 
underworld  where  the  departed  lay,  conscious  but 
helpless.  Amos  does  not  describe  any  alternative 
happy  condition  for  the  good.  They  are  just  to  live 
in  Israel  not  cut  off  by  the  sword,  i.e.,  not  cut  off 
as  warriors  in  their  prime,  but  enjoying  a  good  old 
age.  But  the  prophet  has  no  clear  grasp  of  the 
value  of  the  individual,  or  of  any  ultimate  ideal  that 
he  may  reach. 

Hosea's  ideal  condition  is  not  indeed  a  more  hon- 
est and  noble  thing  than  that  of  Amos ;  but  it  is 
more  profound.  It  sets  out  with  a  strain  that  comes 
from  the  inmost  heart :  he  wishes  his  nation  to  be 
the  wife  of  Yahweh,  all  love  and  so  all  faithfulness. 
There  is  here  already  a  touch  of  the  certain  distinc- 
tion he  recognises  as  having  appeared  between  God 
and  man.  Of  old  the  ideal  state  was  that  Yahweh 
was,  and  each  Hebrew  was,  alike  member  of  the  com- 


120  THE   PKOPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

moil  clan  or  brotherhood.  But  now  men  are  to 
receive  from  Yahweh  a  treatment  far  above  all  that 
they  give ;  they  are  to  dwell  in  a  divine  bosom  of 
grace  and  forbearing,  pardoning,  love.  And  yet, 
again,  the  distinction  is  not  fully  pressed  to  its 
apparently  natural  consequences.  For  the  loving 
kindness,  "  Chesedh,''  that  so  fills  Yahweh  and  directs 
all  his  ways  is  held  up  as  the  ideal  for  men  likewise. 
And  all  this  is  to  be  the  outcome  of  a  quality  whose 
exaltation  is  specially  characteristic  of  Hosea ;  it  is 
hioivledge  that  men  are  to  have  and  that  is  to  work 
all  good  results.  They  are  to  live  far  removed  from 
all  dissipating  influences;  and  then  with  clear  mind 
they  shall  know  Yahweh,  and  in  knowing  him  be 
one  with  him.  This  is  the  coming  ideal,  righteous 
life  that  Hosea  exalts.  Then  i\\Qj  shall  speak  to  Yah- 
weh in  true  prayer,  in  humble  yet  trustful  cry  for  for- 
giveness of  past  wrong-doing.  Along  with  such 
worship,  they  will  obey  the  true  prince,  be  taught  by 
true  priests,  use  nobly  the  altars  and  pillars  and  even 
teraph-symbols  of  deity.  They  shall  have  a  true 
system  and  noble  observance  of  landed  right  for 
every  son  of  Israel.  They  shall  be  pure  and  chaste 
in  their  social  life,  honest  in  their  trading,  and 
straightforward  in  all  their  diplomacy.  That  is 
Hosea's  ideal  for  the  people. 

Isaiah  is  again  different.  His  ideal  is  austere,  as 
became  a  dweller  on  the  mountains  of  Judah,  Avith 
their  cool,  bare  pasture  lands  and  their  lonely  glens. 
So  we  have  in  all  his  earlj-  discourses  negative  direc- 
tion chiefly,  almost  no  picture  of  an  ideal  state.  Yet 
in  the  Song  of  the  Vineyard  what  Yahweh  is  said  to 


IDEALS  OF  THE  GREAT  MORAL  PROPHETS   121 

expect  is  justice  or  judicial  order,  and  righteousness 
or  firmness  of  character.  But  these  are  not  de- 
scribed in  any  enlarged  detail.  At  the  opening  of 
the  second  period  this  is  indeed  explained.  There  we 
read  how  his  early  conception  of  his  commission  was 
that  he  should  be  ever  hewing  down  afresh  the  peo- 
ple's growth,  ever  pruning,  so  as  to  have  just  the 
bare  but  true  stump  and  stock.  But  this  vision  re- 
veals also  the  heart  of  the  man,  and  shows  us  his 
prized  ideal.  It  was  that  men  should  have  fellow- 
ship of  speech  with  Yahweh,  the  gloriously  exalted 
god  of  Israel.  The  first  moment  of  Isaiah's  clearly 
conscious  religious  experience  was  a  moment  of  experi- 
ence of  Yahweh  causing  him  to  know  himself,  as  en- 
dued with  the  goodness  of  purity,  and  as  the  richly 
exalted  speaker  for  Yahweh. 

The  prophet  went  out  to  preach  fellowship  with 
Yahweh,  alliance  with  him,  revelations  from  him,  for 
king  and  people.  The  revelations  and  fellowship 
would  be  doubly  blest,  for  they  would,  in  the  first 
place,  be  assuredly  for  all  men.  Then  in  the  second 
place,  they  would  come  through  the  voices  of  men, 
even  through  the  persons  and  appearances  of  little 
children,  through  the  joys  of  motherhood,  through  the 
rule  of  princes,  their  worthy  majesty,  their  righteous 
and  lasting  success.  Such  a  condition  of  society  is  the 
ideal  of  Isaiah.  But  his  goodness  is  different  from 
Hosea's.  Not  by  knowledge  that  a  temperate  man 
gets,  as  it  were,  for  himself,  but  by  a  divine  afflatus 
given  to  the  leader  of  the  state  and  so  moving  all  the 
people.  Still  it  is  the  divine  fellowship,  but  it  works 
in   a   way   almost   above   understanding.     Yahweh's 


122  THE   PROPHETS   OF  GOODNESS 

breath  is  to  rest  upon  and  about  the  prince,  and  to 
give  him  a  new  breath  and  spirit.  Then  the  ideal 
man,  prince,  people  and  even  ideal  beasts  result.  The 
prince  knows  Yahweh  and  he  fears  him  with  rever- 
ence. The  royal  spirit  is  wise  to  judge  in  the  court 
and  to  reprove.  The  feeble  are  helped,  those  who 
suffer  robbery  of  land  get  justice.  Godless  men  are 
caused  to  die.  All  men  at  home  or  abroad  trust  the 
prince.  Kavenous  beasts  cease  to  ravin  and  the 
very  soil  knows  Yahweh.^  These  features  may, 
indeed,  be  due,  in  part,  to  hands  later  than  Isaiah ; 
but  the  root  idea  of  an  overwhelming  presence  in- 
spiring men  is  certainly  Isaian.  The  people  in  the 
ideal  state  will  have  no  fear  of  war,  for  Yahweh  is 
always  building  safeguards  about  them,  and  the 
humble  nation  will  trust  and  be  quite  at  rest.  But 
formal  worship  will  not  be  the  necessary  key  to  that 
ideal  condition.  Isaiah  does  not  indeed  say  that  all 
formal  worship  is  bad ;  to  draw  such  a  conclusion 
from  ch.  i.  15  would  be  to  conclude  that  prayer  is 
bad,  but  Isaiah  himself  prayed.  And  yet  he  never 
suggests,  as  Hosea  did,  that  there  shall  certainly  be 
symbols  and  sacrifices  and  priests  in  his  ideal  Israel. 
"We  may  add  here  that  the  most  notable  feature  in 
Micah's  ideal  is  this  same  condition  of  inspiration  by 
Yahweh,  with  all  the  righteous  conduct  which  that 
produces. 

'  The  passage  xi.  9  has  a  very  suspicious  expression  in  the  words 
^tj>-ip  in.  It  is  perhaps  of  later  date  than  the  exaltation  of  Zion  by 
Josiah  in  622  b.c. 


THEOLOGY  OF  THE  GREAT  MORAL  PROPHETS   123 

^.    Tlie  Theology  Proper  of  these  Prophets. 

We  are  ready  now  to  collect  in  order  the  ideas 
these  preachers  had  concerning  God,  his  nature  and 
character. 

They  inherited,  and  still  worked  mentally  along, 
the  tribal  theory.  This  has  been  admirably  ex- 
pounded by  the  late  W.  Robertson  Smith.  The  faith 
is,  in  brief,  that  while  every  soul  was  impressed  with 
the  sense  that  there  is  an  unseen  person  at  work  in 
all  things,  lives,  and  events,  causing  all,  guiding  all, 
whispering  to  many  an  ear  ;  yet  each  tribe  or  large 
family  conceived  of  this  unseen  one  as  a  being  of 
their  o^ti  nature  and  belonging  to  their  own  tribe 
or  clan.  So  each  tribe  believed  that  it  possessed 
one  divine  member,  a  divine  being  who  was  peculiarly 
a  member  of  that  clan.  Consequently,  there  were  as 
many  divine  beings  as  there  were  clans.  This  might, 
of  course,  be  somewhat  modified ;  for  several  clans 
might  have  descended  originally  from  the  same  small 
family,  and  therefore  all  these  might  have  a  com- 
mon deity,  who  was  the  greatest  member  of  the  clan. 
He  was  its  head,  originator,  defender,  chief  warrior, 
and  rightful  ruler,  and  was  to  be  consulted  in  all  im- 
portant times  of  decision.  The  food  that  gave  to  all 
members  a  common  strength,  and  mutual  bond  for 
war  or  any  momentous  act,  was  to  be  ofi'ered  to  this 
clan-deity.  Such  food  was  flesh  food  ;  even  the  blood 
was  used,  for  the  blood  was  the  hidden  secret  in  every 
living  person.  The  deity  received  his  share  of  the 
blood.  It  was  poured  on  the  soil,  the  sacred  supporter 
of  all  life  ;  and  as  it  disappeared  it  seemed  to  be  ac- 


124  THE   PROPHETS   OF  GOODNESS 

cepted  by  the  deity.  So  some  parts  were  burned, 
and  he  seemed  to  accept  them  as  the  odorous  smoke 
ascended  into  the  unseen.  Fellowship  with  him  must 
be  maintained  at  all  costs ;  and  if  any  members,  or 
the  tribe  wandered  from  him  they  might  expect  a  day 
to  come,  his  day,  when  he  would  have  his  way. 

There  was,  besides,  the  underworld,  whither  all  the 
dead  went,  and  there,  in  dark  silence,  grim  terrors 
awaited  those  who  disagreed  with  the  deity  who  con- 
trolled that  place. 

For  all  his  lovers  the  deity  would  be  all-helpful ; 
they  should  enjoy  the  earth's  fruits,  for  he  created 
and  controlled  the  soil  and  its  hidden  fountains,  caus- 
ing its  springs,  its  marshy  coldness,  or  its  dry  desert. 
He  withheld  or  he  gave  the  rain,  and  by  it  he  caused 
the  fruits  of  the  earth,  corn,  wine,  and  oil  and  the  life 
of  the  herd  and  the  flock. 

But  this  theory  was  breaking  down  before  the 
pressure  of  the  political  and  agrarian  troubles,  that 
were  rising  as  the  great  rivals  for  world  rule  overran 
the  smaller  states.  Amos  warns  Samaria  that  Yah- 
weh  is  displeased  because  he  finds  little  done  among 
men  that  is  after  his  own  heart.  This  preacher 
would  set  up  a  new  class  who  have  special  attractions 
for  Yahweh,  namely,  the  poor  and  the  sufferers ;  or 
he  speaks  of  a  class  with  whom  Yahweh  has  special 
relationships,  namely,  his  slaves  (servants)  the  in- 
spired ones,  to  whom  he  tells  his  purposes. 

Hosea  finds  that  Israel  has  forsaken  her  own  '*  ba'al," 
Yahweh.  She  has  gone  like  a  harlot  to  other  "  Ba'als," 
or  lovers,  supposing  them  to  be  surer  fructifiers. 
Hence  the  people  belong  no  longer  to  the  same  class 


THEOLOGY  OF  THE  GREAT  MORAL  PROPHETS  125 

with  Yahweh.  He  is  god,  and  not  man.  But  this 
furnishes  him  with  an  opportunity  to  form  a  new 
relationship.  Freed  from  clan  obligations  he  may 
cease  to  be  the  clan's  "  ba'al  "  or  landlord  ;  so  because 
he  has  devoted  love  for  Israel  he  will  woo  her,  and 
win  her,  and  be  her  husband.  No  longer  shall  she  call 
him  "  ba  ali"  my  landlord,  but  "  ishi,"  my  husband. 

Isaiah  sets  out  with  the  wrathful  denunciation  of 
the  conduct  that  has  made  light  of  Yahweh's  holi- 
ness, his  Qodesh,  that  peculiar  devotion  which  a  deity 
has  to  his  clan,  and  he  sees  only  trouble,  moaning, 
death  to  come.  Then  he  remembers  that  this  de- 
voted one  had  given  to  him  a  revelation  that  pro- 
duced, indeed,  sense  of  ill  desert,  but  also  a  cleansing 
on  his  lips  and  in  his  soul ;  and  then  and  there  this 
god  had  actually  intrusted  him  with  a  great  sacred 
task  of  preaching,  to  cleanse  and  to  save  at  least  a 
remnant  of  the  people.  Here  was  a  change  indeed. 
Isaiah  had  expected,  on  the  lines  of  his  old  tribal 
tradition,  that  Israel  must  be  destroyed  for  her  dis- 
obedience to  her  god,  her  uncleanness  of  tribal  char- 
acter. But  he  discovers  that  a  new  relation  is  pos- 
sible. Yahweh  is  higher,  better,  more  devoted  and 
gracious  than  they  had  thought  he  was. 

What  was  the  essence  of  the  new  prophetic  view  of 
God  ?  Two  main  rubrics  of  attributes  are  manifest  : 
one  is  the  new  moral  attributes  in  Yahweh  ;  the  other 
is  a  new  relation  to  all  men  and  things,  and  not  to 
the  Hebrews  only.     Yahweh  was  Lord  of  Hosts. 

We  saw  above  that  the  Yahwist  had  used  this  term 
Yahweh,  Lord  of  Hosts,  once  at  least,  and  in  a  sig- 
nificant part  of  his  story,  when  David  was  exalting 


126  THE   PROPHETS   OF   GOODNESS 

Yalnveli  by  planting  a  place  of  worship  for  him  in  the 
new  capital,  Jerusalem.  We  saw  that  while  the  term 
meant  primarily  a  faith  that  Yahweh  ruled  all  forces 
in  their  own  land  and  in  the  sky  above  themselves, 
yet  they  were  likely  to  be  reading  into  it  also  the 
faith  that  David's  control  of  many  tribes  or  little 
nations  be^'ond  the  boundaries  of  the  Hebrews  proper 
meant  that  Yahweh  was  overlord  over  all  the  deities 
and  unseen  powers  of  those  peoples.  They  were 
beginning  to  realise  that  there  might  be  one  control 
over  at  least  all  things  that  they  knew.  Amos  again 
uses  the  word  largely,  and  he  believes  also  clearly 
that  Yahweh  rules  the  affairs  of  many  nations ;  namely, 
all  the  circle  around  the  Hebrews  who  are  warned  of 
his  anger  at  their  conduct  in  chapter  i.  ;  and  also 
the  Africans,  or  the  Egyptians,  from  whose  hands  he 
brought  out  Israel,  just  as  he  caused  the  migrations 
of  the  Philistines  from  Caphtor  and  the  Syrians  from 
Kir.  Hosea  uses  the  term,  but  only  once.  It  is  in- 
teresting to  observe  how  the  men  of  the  larger  north- 
ern kingdom  thought  less  of  their  god's  world-wide 
rule  than  did  the  people  of  the  very  small  southern 
Judah.  The  north  had  more  practical  touch  with 
other  peoples ;  the  south  could  dream  more  easily. 
And  yet  Hosea  used  the  word  ;  he  too  speaks  largely 
of  Israel's  relations  to  Egypt  and  to  Assyria  as  ruled 
by  Yahweh. 

Isaiah  rises  clearly  in  the  course  of  his  life  to  a 
grasp  of  the  idea  of  Yahweh  as  the  ruler  who  controls 
Assyria.  At  first  he  was  somewhat  afraid  of  that 
great  power  ;  but  by  and  by  he  rises  to  a  magnifi- 
cent height  where  he  tells  Assyria,  the  ruler  of  all 


THEOLOGY  OF  THE  GREAT  MORAL  PROPHETS  127 

nations,  that  she  is  simply  the  rod  in  Yahweh's  hand. 
And  that  theory  he  holds  to  the  end.  He  is  advan- 
cing then  to  a  conception  of  one  control,  one  system 
of  government,  one  supreme  will,  one  God.  Certainly 
he  is  reaching  monotheism  by  way  of  an  overlordship 
of  many  and  even  all  gods  under  Yahweh,  the  god 
of  the  Hebrews. 

But  this  theory  of  Yahweh's  control  rests  distinctly 
on  a  moral  basis.  All  these  preachers  stand  for  the 
good  character  of  Yahweh ;  and  they  refer  to  it  as 
goodness  which  everyone,  men  of  all  nations,  must  rec- 
ognise. This  is  deeply  interesting.  As  soon  as  the 
moral  character  of  men  is  felt,  and  as  soon  as  the 
preacher  begins  to  appeal  to  conscience,  then  at  once 
he  sees  all  men  as  alike  in  this  respect.  The  prophets 
never  dream  of  questioning  whether  there  be  one 
categorical  hnperative  or  moral  law  for  one  land  and 
another  for  another.  It  is  right  for  every  child  of 
man  and  every  nation  to  do  right.  The  conscience 
makes  the  whole  world  kin.  Here  then  is  the  great 
control.  Here  is  God.  As  soon  as  Yahweh  is  felt  to 
be  good,  then  he  is  lord  of  all.  Monotheism  enters 
here;  and  here  our  vision  of  "  God"  to-day,  and  our 
sense  of  supreme  control,  is  what  those  preachers 
felt  and  saw. 

Now  let  us  differentiate  in  a  few  words  the  phases 
of  this  divine  goodness  which  they  severally  saw 
according  to  their  several  temperaments.  Amos 
asserts  simply  and  completely  that  Yahweh  is  good. 
"  Seek  goodness  and  ye  shall  find  Yahweh."  c.  v.  14. 
This  seems  to  be  the  purest  of  utterances.  And  yet 
the  form  of  it  is  not  the  best,  because  the  idea  of  good- 


128  THE  PROPHETS   OF  GOODNESS 

ness  must  have  contents ;  and  Amos  leaves  it  much 
more  undefined  than  do  his  fellows.  That  is  not  to 
say,  however,  that  he  sjDeaks  only  of  goodness  in  gen- 
eral, for  we  have  seen  how  he  condemns  specific  sins, 
and  exalts  by  implication  a  fine  ideal  of  good  conduct. 
Yet  the  phrase  makes  the  impression  that  the  thought 
is  incomplete. 

When  we  turn  now  to  Hosea  we  are  close  to  a  warm, 
beating  heart.  He  says  Yahweh's  goodness  is  his 
loving-kindness,  or  perhaps  better,  his  grace ;  for  so 
w^e  may  render  Hosea's  word  non  (Chesedh).  This  is 
the  wondrous  love  with  which  Yahweh  would  woo  and 
win  his  bride.  This  it  is  that  withholds  him  from  de- 
stroying rebellious  Israel.  This  is  what  he  longs  to 
see  filling  men's  minds  toward  each  other.  This  is  the 
character  that  delights  him ;  for  offerings  on  altars  he 
does  not  care.  Hosea  sees  in  Yahw^eh  that  character 
that  our  elder  theologians  called  "  Favour  to  the  ill- 
deserving,"  and  which,  said  they,  Paul  preached  as 
the  glory  of  Christianity. 

Isaiah's  discourses  of  the  later  periods,  all  preach 
this  same  character  "grace"  in  Yahweh.  But  Isaiah 
goes  back,  takes  the  old  word  devotion  or  holiness,  i.e. , 
qodhesh,  which  meant  the  special  relation  that  ought 
to  be  manifested  by  a  deity  to  his  people ;  and  he 
teaches  that  this  devotion  is  really  that  favour  to  the 
ill-deserving  which  Hosea  had  so  wondrously  pictured. 
So  Isaiah  exalts  the  whole  Hebrew  idea  of  the  nature 
of  a  god  as  devoted  (qadhosh)  to  a  particular  people, 
and  reads  into  it  the  new  significance  of  Grace  that 
Hosea  had  seemed  to  discover  as  now  revealed  in 
Yahweh  because  the  old  divine  character  seemed  to 


THEOLOGY  OF  THE  GREAT  MORAL  PROPHETS  129 

be  no  longer  possible.  Goodness  wliich  is  loving- 
kindness,  Isaiah  would  say,  is  the  only  character  the 
real  "devotion"  which  a  divine  being  can  possess. 

We  have  dwelt  long  on  these  prophets,  and  espe- 
cially on  Isaiah,  because  to  know  them  is  to  know 
all  that  is  best  and  abiding  in  Hebrew  religion,  ethics, 
and  theology. 


PART  IV 

THE  F0E3IAL  DOCTRINAL    TEACHERS 

750  TO  700  B.C. 

INTEODUCTOEY 

We  reach  a  period  where  almost  any  view  of  the 
whole  will  have  to  risk  meeting  serious  criticism.  It 
is  not  because  the  theory  to  be  followed  below  implies 
that  an  Elohistic  School  existed.  The  discovery  of 
an  Elohistic  document  running  from  Gen.  xv.  onward 
was  made  long  ago  by  Hupfeld.  The  analysts  have 
done  their  work  so  patiently  and  well,  that  it  is  now 
pretty  certain  what  is  Elohistic  and  what  Yahwistic ; 
as  also  it  seems  plain  that  the  Elohistic  quota  is  the 
product  of  a  school  of  thought  and  of  several  writers 
rather  than  of  one  man ;  and  finally,  it  appears  that 
portions  of  this  Elohistic  literature  are  to  be  traced 
as  far  as  2  Sam.  vii.,  but  that  they  cease  abruptly 
there. 

Our  further  statement  may  not  be  so  generally 
favoured ;  viz.,  that  the  School  of  Elohists  may  be  as- 
signed with  a  fair  degree  of  accuracy  to  the  time  just 
preceding  the  destruction  of  the  northern  kingdom 
by  Sargon,  722  B.C.  The  justification  for  this  con- 
clusion is,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  document  exalts 
Shechem,  i.e.,  it  exalts  a  northern  sanctuary  as  the 

130 


INTRODUCTORY  131 

chief  centre  of  religious  interest  for  all  Hebrews,  and 
therefore,  and  for  other  minor  reasons,  this  literary 
school  must  be  assigned  to  northern  writers.  And 
since  the  northern  kingdom  was  destroyed  in  722,  that 
date  must  be  the  terminus  ad  quern.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  terminus  a  quo  is  given  by  the  distinctly 
moral  and  hortatory  nature  of  the  Elohistic  work. 
The  Elohists  take  up  many  of  the  positions  of  the 
Yahwists  and  deliberately  alter  them,  most  notably 
in  the  case  of  the  Decalogue.  Therefore  E  followed 
J  in  order  of  time.  But  do  the  Elohists  follow  the 
prophets ;  or  is  the  reverse  true  ?  Both  classes 
were  hortatory.  In  reply,  very  evidently  the  Elo- 
hists' Decalogue  was  not  used  by  the  prophets,  who 
would  surely  have  been  glad  to  use  it,  had  it  already 
existed  long  enough  to  become  honoured  and  quoted. 
It  certainly  did  so  exist  in  Josiah's  days  a  century 
later.  True  it  is  that  no  prophets,  early  or  late, 
make  very  much  use  of  this  document.  Jeremiah's 
references  to  anything  of  the  sort  are  very  slight  as 
compared,  for  example,  with  the  Talmudists'  use  of 
the  legal  and  ceremonial  documents  of  the  Torah. 
Indeed  the  Psalmists,  the  Wisdom-writers,  and  the 
Apocalyptists,  make  but  slight  use  of  such  docu- 
ments :  and  we  may  misinterpret  the  Hebrew  and 
Jewish  mind  toward  *'  law  "  when  we  think  that  they 
all  held  the  Moses-Torah  in  great  esteem.  So  we 
need  not  suppose  that  the  prophets  must  certainly 
have  appealed  to  the  Elohistic  Decalogue,  even  if  it 
had  been  in  existence.  Probably  it  was  known  to 
Isaiah  and  Micah  in  their  later  days.  But  our  ques- 
tion seems  decided  fairl}^  when  we  observe  that  while 


132  THE  FORMAL   DOCTRINAL  TEACHERS 

the  prophets  do  uot  use  the  Elohistic  products,  the 
Elohists  do  use  the  work  of  the  prophets.  The  Elo- 
hists  imply  the  aroused  williuguess  of  the  people  to 
listen  to  discourse,  even  very  formal  discourse  :  and 
certain  formal  theological  conclusions,  or  argumenta- 
tively  reached  views,  concerning  God,  his  nature, 
and  his  character,  and  his  chosen  people,  are  used 
so  freely  by  the  Elohistic  writers  that  the  nation  for 
Avhich  and  in  which  these  could  be  composed  must 
have  already  been  passing  through  that  moral  excite- 
ment which  the  prophets  represented.  The  prophets 
are,  in  the  strictly  rhetorical  sense  of  the  term,  the 
"  inventors  *'  of  these  ideas,  while  the  Elohists  draw 
up  somewhat  stiff  formulations  of  them.  The  mat- 
ter stands  much  as  in  the  case  of  the  revival  of  religion 
in  the  first  half  of  the  XYIIIth  century.  That  was 
followed  by  a  great  harvest  of  commentaries  on  the 
Scripture  and  of  ecclesiastical  organisations  in  the 
end  of  that  century. 

But  all  this  compels  us  to  a  further  step.  We  must 
hold  that  the  Deuteronomists,  the  "D"  School,  fol- 
lowed the  Elohists  logically  and  speedily.  The  Deu- 
teronomists are  Elohists.  The  Elohists  planned  theo- 
logical views  and  ecclesiastical  order,  let  us  say,  that 
they  might  realise  the  moral  fruit  of  the  prophets. 
The  Deuteronomists  said  that  the  Elohistic  spirit  was 
right,  but  that  this  spirit  demanded  a  more  thorough 
logical  application  of  its  own  principle.  "  Reflect  and 
lay  down  moral  orders,"  said  the  Elohist.  "  Organise 
by  centralisation,  else  the  morality  will  never  be  per- 
fect," said  the  Deuteronomist.  We  have  seen  how 
Hosea  suggested  that  there  were  too  many  sanctu- 


INTRODUCTORY  133 

aries,  and  that  the  principle  of  multiplying  them  was 
bad.  We  have  seen  that  he  came  very  near  indicat- 
ing the  belief  that  Shechem  was  the  most  important 
sanctuary.  We  have  seen  how  Isaiah  was  learning 
to  believe  in  Zion  as  a  place  favoured  of  God,  and 
therefore  a  safe  stronghold,  and  to  some  extent,  a 
specially  favoured  sanctuary. 

Now  we  find  that  the  Elohists  also  deliberately 
exalt  Shechem  as  the  chief  and  divinely  chosen  place 
for  Yahweh's  meeting  with  his  people.  We  learn  too 
that  the  Deuteronomists  preserve  the  very  words  of 
E  ^  which  thus  exalt  Shechem,  and  so  the  Deutero- 
nomic  theory  of  one  sanctuary  means  centralisation 
of  all  worship,  and,  indeed,  of  civil  order  too,  in  and 
around  Shechem.  In  fact,  the  process  of  Hebrew 
theological  and  moral  history  was  one  steady  Deuter- 
onomic  Keformation.  Such  a  reformation  was  work- 
ing all  through  the  methods  of  formal  organisation 
and  indeed  in  the  prophetic  work  which  caused  that 
organisation. 

Presently  we  shall  see  how  Josiah  came  to  know 
of  the  Deuteronomic  documents,  or  some  one  of 
them ;  and  set  about  applying  them  practically  to  the 
management  of  his  little  state.  Josiah  did  this  in 
the  faith  that  this  centralisation  was  Yahweh's  re- 
vealed will.  That  will,  he  thought,  could  be  read  in 
the  hoary  document,  a  century  old;^  and  if  this  will 

'We  use  this  letter  "  E  "  as  a  brief,  handy  substitute  for  the 
words  "  the  Elohistic  School." 

'  It  should  be  stated  that  scholars  usually  assign  the  Law  Book  to 
a  later  date,  the  majority  favouring  the  reign  of  Josiah;  others,  as 
Ewald,  Bleek,  Driver,  Kittel,  the  reign  of  Manasseh.  — [Craig.J 


134    THE  FORMAL  DOCTRINAL  TEACHERS 

were  performed,  tlien  Yaliweh  would  be  bound  by 
liis  covenant  to  save  the  Hebrew  state,  i.e.,  Judah, 
from  all  ills.  The  faith  was  a  material  one,  it  fol- 
lowed naturally  a  supposed  material  book-revelation. 
But  much  that  has  just  been  said  depends  on  the 
nature  of  E.  The  analytical  work  necessary  to  let  E 
be  easily  understood  has  been  done,  but  the  piecing 
together  and  reconstruction  of  the  Elohistic  writing 
has  been  only  recently  accomplished.^  To  put  the 
student  in  somewhat  adequate  possession  of  the  out- 
line of  E,  the  analysis  of  its  contents  is  given  in 
Appendix  II.,  according  to  the  restored  text.  It  will 
be  enough  to  give  such  an  analysis  for  the  elder  of 
the  Elohists. 

*  See  Old  Testament  Theology^  vol.  ii.  The  Deuteronomic  Ref- 
ormation^ by  the  present  author.  A.  and  C.  Black.  London, 
1900. 


CHAPTEK  I 

THE  DEUTEEONOMISTS 

Tlie  Problem  and  the   Clew  to  Solution. 

The  old-time  theory  that  Moses  wrote  the  book  of 
Deuteronomy  in  the  plains  of  Moab  shortly  before 
his  death,  needs  little  effort  to  dispose  of  it  as  mis- 
taken. The  book  describes  the  death  of  Moses,  and 
therefore  the  theory  itself  implies  an  editor  who  could 
have  added  that  notice.  But  besides,  the  book  as  it 
stands  is  not  properly  a  book :  it  is  simply  a  continu- 
ation, with  a  new  heading,  of  the  same  book  that  had 
been  running  on  in  the  last  pages  of  Numbers.  The 
question  arises  at  once,  Where  do  we  really  find  a 
proper  beginning  for  what  may  be  called,  or  supposed 
to  be,  the  "Moab"  utterances  of  Moses?  Concern- 
ing this  question  there  has  been  great  divergence  of 
opinion.  The  divergence  is  complicated  and  made 
difficult  to  handle  because  of  a  theory  now  out  of  date 
and  evidently  mistaken,  and  yet  regarded  by  some  as 
the  liberal  or  advanced  theory.  It  is  the  supposition 
that  the  book  was  invented  by  a  chief  priest  named 
Hilkiah,  who  served  under  King  Josiah  about  the 
year  622  B.C.  Hilkiah,  it  is  said,  wrote  it  in  order 
to  produce  the  great  reformation  of  622.  Now  it  is 
very  unlikely  that  the  Hilkiah  we  know  from  2  Kings 
xxii.  ff.  should  ever  have  purposed  such  a  reforma- 

135 


136  THE  FORMAL   DOCTRINAL   TEACHERS 

tion,  much  less  likely  still  that  he  should  have  writ- 
ten Deuteronomy  to  help  such  a  movement.  He  was 
a  careless  priest,  and  had  to  feel  the  force  of  Josiah's 
reproof,  especially  by  having  to  give  up  much  in- 
come for  the  sake  of  repairs  that  he  had  neglected. 
He  who  had  let  the  Zion  sanctuary  decay  as  he  had 
done  would  never  be  the  man  to  care  to  make  it  the 
one  only  noble  temple  of  Yahweh,  or  to  write  so  fine 
an  exhortation  to  godliness  and  self-denial  as  we  find 
in  our  document.  The  book,  or  its  sources,  must 
have  come  from  hands  that  cared  for  Yahweh  wor- 
ship, and  for  the  high  moral  principles  of  the  great 
prophets.  In  short,  it  must  have  followed  the  Elo- 
histic  school's  work  and  must  have  been  related  to 
that  in  essence.  It  is  unquestionably,  In  many  a 
part  of  it,  just  a  step  in  advance  in  the  same  line  of 
development  of  character  and  purpose.  This  state- 
ment requires  little  argument,  if  we  but  read  the  chap- 
ters of  the  book. 

There  can  be  little  done,  however,  in  locating  the 
origin  of  the  document  until  we  know  fairly  well  what 
parts  of  it  are  really  from  one  author  or  another ; 
that  is,  until  we  have  tried  to  analyse  it  and  see 
whether  the  whole  is  a  combination  of  various  works, 
as  so  many  other  Hebrew  books  are.  This  analysis 
has  been  tried  by  many.  But  only  recently  has 
there  been  used  a  clew  that  is  plain  enough  when  at- 
tention is  directed  to  it ;  viz.,  that  there  is  a  notable 
alternation  of  the  2d.  sing,  and  the  2d.  plur.  in  the 
forms  of  address.  Again  and  again  we  read  "  Thou 
art "  or  "  Thou  shalt,"  and  the  like  ;  while  again  we  find 
the  words  "Ye  are"  "  Ye  shall,"  "Ye  have  been,"  etc. 


THE  DEUTEKONOMISTS  137 

Of  course,  such  a  clew  is  not  to  be  followed  blindly,  for 
the  alternation  might  occur  by  accident.  Dr.  Carl 
Steuernagel  of  Halle  University,  has  recently  pub- 
lished two  careful  pamphlets  on  the  matter^  and 
although  in  the  former  of  these  he  certainly  gives 
some  occasion  for  the  criticism  of  Carpenter  and 
Battersby  in  their  "  Hexateuch,"  that  the  attempt  is 
"somewhat  hazardous,"  yet  many,  like  Moore  in 
"  Encyclopedia  Biblica  "  will  expound  Steuernagel's 
view  with  some  sympathy.  What  is  hazarded? 
At  most  the  status  quo,  which  is  intolerable.  Dr. 
Steuernagel  observes  another  clew  for  guidance,  lying 
among  the  mass  of  material  directions  and  exhorta- 
tions, all  valuable  but  made  mysteriously  difficult  for 
use  by  their  great  disorder  in  arrangement.  This 
disorder  drives  one  to  despair  of  reasonable  under- 
standing of  Hebrew  religious  development,  unless 
there  has  been  some  good  reason  for  the  disorder. 
Steuernagel  says,  in  effect,  that  the  combination  of 
two  sets  of  rules,  and  insufficient  effort  to  rearrange 
them  topically,  might  produce  just  such  confusion. 
Hence  his  method  of  unravelling  the  tangle.  There 
is  a  clew  to  order  in  the  actual  disorder  itself. 

Steuernagel's  first  work  sought  to  analyse  chapters 
v.-xi.  and  xxvii.  ff.  by  use  of  the  first  clew  only  ;  viz., 
the  separation  of  singular  passages  from  plural ;  and 
although  he  did  add  a  comparison  of  the  respective 

'  Der  RoJimen  des  Deuteronomiums.  Literarkritische  Unter- 
suchung  iiber  seine  Zusammensetzung  u.  Entstehiing,  von  Dr. 
Carl  Steuernagel.  Halle,  Krause,  1894,  and  Die  Enistehung  des 
deuteronomischen  Gesetzes  kritisch  u.  biblisch-theologisch  uuter- 
sucht.  ib.  1896. 


138    THE  FORMAL  DOCTRINAL  TEACHERS 

vocabularies  of  the  two  components  thus  separated, 
yet  the  result  was  not  so  persuading  as  is  that  of  the 
second  work.  Let  us  turn  to  that,  which  is  an  an- 
alysis of  xii.-xxvi. 

Here  he  points  to  the  following  phenomena  : 

There  are  many  doublets,  i.e.,  the  same  thing  said 
and  said  over  again  in  a  slightly  altered  form.  And 
along  with  this  there  are  contradictions  in  these. 

There  is  the  variation  already  mentioned  between 
the  use  of  "  thou  "  and  ^'you." 

There  is  the  strange  disorder  in  the  rules.  This 
last  appears  most  strikingly  in  xxi.  to  xxv. ;  and  here 
Steuernagel  shows  that  if  we  set  by  themselves  in 
their  present  order  those  passages  which  may  be 
called  "  Laws  for  Humane  Conduct,"  then  these  do 
stand  in  a  natural  order ;  and  so  do  those  that  are 
left. 

Then  further,  he  shows  that  in  the  former  set 
the  ojfticers  of  the  community  are  called  "  Judges," 
while  in  the  latter  they  are  called  "  Elders."  Again 
he  thinks  that  the  former  consist  chiefly  of  short 
direct  commands,  while  the  latter  are  more  lengthy, 
involved  sentences  in  the  third  person.  Finally,  for 
the  idea  "  neighbour,"  the  Hebrew  word  ni5,  brother, 
is  used  in  the  first  set,  while  the  latter  list  calls  a 
"  neighbour  "  by  the  Hebrew  word  T^,  companion. 

After  analysing  the  remaining  chapters  of  the  law 
(xii.-xxvi.)  in  accordance  with  the  criteria  thus  ob- 
tained, Steuernagel  points  out  that  very  probably  the 
author  of  the  former  of  the  two  sets  just  described, 
let  us  call  him  "The  Judge,"  is  the  same  writer  who 
in  v.-xi.  uses  the  second  person  singular  "  thou  "  in 


THE   DEUTEROXOMISTS  139 

addressing  the  people.  This  "  Judge  "  uses  the  sin- 
gular himself  almost  exclusively,  and,  moreover,  he 
uses  many  of  the  same  characteristic  expressions  that 
are  used  by  that  writer  who  in  v.-xi.  uses  the  singu- 
lar pronoun.  On  the  other  hand,  the  author  of  the 
latter  of  the  two  sets  described  above  is  probably  the 
one  who  uses  in  v.-xi.  the  plural  address,  "  you  " 
(let  us  call  him  "  the  Elder  ").  He  does  not  always 
use  the  singular  in  his  laws :  but  then  these  are 
not  one  code,  but  rather  collections  made  by  him. 
They  are  not  really  a  book  from  his  ow^n  pen,  as  was 
the  case  with  the  "  Judge  "  document. 

Before  we  now  mark  out,  at  least  by  verses,  the 
analyses  of  the  whole  v.-xxxi.  as  that  w^ould  follow 
from  the  criteria  so  laid  down,  it  must  be  premised 
that  not  all  of  Steuernagel's  results  seem  equally 
binding  ;  and  especially  for  this  reason,  that  he  does 
not  seem  at  any  time  to  allow  the  possibility  that 
either  or  both  of  these  works  originated  in  northern 
Israel.  He  is  anxious  to  explain  any  reference  to 
Shechem  as  due  to  interpolations  after  Josiah's  time. 
But  why  may  not  these  references  be  due  to  the 
author's  desire  to  centralise  worship  in  and  around  a 
chief  sanctuary  in  the  northern  kingdom  ?  The  Elo- 
hists  exalted  Shechem  in  this  way.  And  those  Elo- 
hists  are  themselves  usually  regarded,  for  various 
reasons,  as  men  of  the  northern  kingdom.  Hosea, 
the  prophet  of  the  north,  was  not  only  one  of  the 
greatest,  best  men  that  Hebraism  ever  produced  ;  but 
he  it  is  who  directly  condemns  multiplication  of 
altars.  He  it  is  who  of  all  prophets  first  and  chiefly, 
save  Jeremiah,  sets  up  and  presses  home  the  well- 


140  THE   FORMAL   DOCTraNAL   TEACHERS 

known  "  Deuteronomic  "  idea  of  a  covenant  between 
Yah  well  and  Israel.  Now  he  seems  to  consider  the 
sanctuary  at  Shechem  as  one  of  the  most  honourable, 
if  not  really  the  chief  sanctuary  in  all  the  land.  It 
is  scarcely  necessary  to  point  out  Shechem's  singu- 
larly central  position  and  suitability  for  a  place  to 
which  all  eyes  up  and  down  the  country  could  look.^ 
It  is  remarkable  that  Steuernagel  himself  expounds 
at  length  and  finely  the  thesis  that  the  author  of  "  the 
Judge  "  element  in  Deuteronomy  gained  his  ideas 
and  his  inspiration  largely  from  Hosea  as  distin- 
guished from  Isaiah.  Steuernagel  thinks  that  Isaiah 
was  rather  the  suggester  of  "the  Elder"  element. 
When  he  then  supposes  "the  Judge"  to  have 
worked  and  written  in  Judah  under  Hezekiah  and  for 
that  king's  so-called  "  Reformation,"  it  seems  neces- 
sary to  leave  Steuernagel's  leading.  The  evidence 
points  quite  away  from  his  view.  Hosea  and  north- 
ern Israel  were  surely  teacher  and  home  of  "the 
Judge  "  ;  while  Hezekiah,  as  we  have  seen,  was  no 
helper  of  any  true  reform,  either  under  Isaiah's  in- 
fluence or  otherwise.  We  may  consider  it  fairly  clear 
that  at  least  this  "  Judge  "  author  lived  in  Shechem, 
or  Samaria,  before  722  B.C.,  when  the  northern  king- 
dom was  destroyed  by  Assyria. 

The  settlement  of  the  date  is  of  much  less  impor- 
tance than  the  discovery  that  the  Deuteronomic 
movement  or  reformation  was  really  of  the  north, 
although  the  external  realisation  of  it  took  place  in 
the  south  a  century  later  in  622  B.C.  by  Josiah's 

'  G.  A.  Smith,  Historical  Geography  of  Palestine^  cliapter  vi,, 
p.  117, 


THE   DEUTERONOMISTS  141 

establisliment  of  tlie  Deuteronomic  law  of  centralisa- 
tion as  the  constitution  of  his  kingdom.  AVe  may, 
therefore,  look  with  greater  interest  at  the  documents 
outlined  in  their  original  form  (as  given  in  Appendix 
III.)  as  they  were  composed  in  Shechem,  let  us  say, 
before  they  were  interwoven  by  an  editor  into  some- 
thing more  nearly  like  our  present  Deuteronomy. 
In  the  matter  of  analysis  we  shall  follow  Steuernagel 
largely,  though  not  exclusively,  turning  away  from 
him  when  he  places  the  homes  of  the  authors  in 
Judah.  For  the  present  we  set  down  the  following 
facts ;  viz.  : 

In  the  "  Judge  "  document  we  have  : 

Benevolence  highly  appraised  and  enjoined.  This 
is  equally  Amosian  and  Hosean  and  Isaian. 

Order  in  administration  of  justice,  in  manners 
and  in  worship)  is  also  earnestly  desired.  This  is 
more  distinctively  Hosean.  But  now  this  call  for 
order  is  developed  into  a  demand  for  Centralisation, 
and  this  is  to  be  centralisation  on  the  basis  of — not 
so  much  one  deity  but — one  Yahweh.  Unity  in  the 
state  in  all  its  respects  was  to  be  gained  by  the 
recognition,  in  the  thought  and  practices  of  all,  that 
there  was  one  Yahweh,  their  father,  fellow-tribes- 
man and  head,  the  same  for  all  families  and  gates  or 
towns  in  Israel.  There  should  not  be  different  wor- 
ships, different  cults,  nor  even  different  sanctuaries  ; 
all  of  which  distracted  concentration  of  thought  about 
the  divine,  and  also  dislocated  the  moral  sense  and  the 
conduct.  One  sanctuary,  so  thought  these  Deuter- 
onomists,  would  correct  such  evil.  And  that  one 
sanctuary  should  be  Shechem. 


142  THE  FORMAL  DOCTRINAL  TEACHERS 

All  this  was  threaded  through  and  through  with 
the  words  and  the  very  ideas  and  spirit  of  the 
prophet  Hosea. 

The  other  "  Elder  "  document  was  less  theological 
and  more  popular,  more  narrative  and  less  regulative, 
more  commanding  and  less  pleading,  more  Amos- 
like and  Isaiah-like,  more  really  near  to  J,  at  least 
in  its  stage  of  development,  than  the  "Judge"  docu- 
ment was. 

In  fine,  it  seems  that  this  eighth  century  B.C.  was 
throbbing  through  and  through  with  busy  thought 
in  many  busy  thinkers  concerning  religion  and  duty. 
One  feels  that  this  surely  ought  to  have  been  the 
case  in  a  time  that  could  prod  ace  the  four  prophets 
of  the  period  and  an  audience  fit  to  listen  to  them 
and  preserve  their  words.  The  easily  accepted  tra- 
ditional fancy — for  it  is  not  a  reasoned  theor}^ — 
that  the  four  prophets  were  the  only  thoughtful  men, 
or  almost  the  only  thoughtful  ones,  proves  really 
unthinkable  when  one  reflects  on  it.  An  epoch  like 
750  to  700  B.C.  could  produce,  nay  must  have  pro- 
duced, a  very  university  of  theological  and  ethical 
life  and  utterance.  And  we  need  not  be  in  the 
least  hesitant  in  supposing  that  they  might  make  rapid 
advances  in  theorising.  The  people  who  produced 
an  Elohistic  school  were  most  fertile  and  fit  to  pro- 
duce many  Deuteronomists  in  a  generation's  course. 

AVe  turn  then  to  set  down  our  estimate  of  the  the- 
ology and  ethics  of  this  period,  including,  those  of 
both  the  Elohistic  and  the  more  strictly  Deuteronomic 
stages  in  the  Formal,  or  Reforming  Movement. 


CHAPTEE  II 

THEOLOGY  AND  ETHICS  OF  THE  FORMAL  TEACHERS 

It  is  clear  that  tlie  root  of  all  this  literary  expres- 
sion in  the  Elohistic  and  Denteronomic  schools  was 
a  very  much  awakened  sense  of  moral  need.  This  is 
manifest  in  the  constant  saying  of  the  Elohists,  "  Our 
god  is  testing  us,  proving  us."  There  is  a  deep 
sense,  not  merely  that  they  have  done  their  many 
past  sins,  but  that  they  are  not  quite  sure  that  they 
may  not  sin  again.  There  is  a  sense  of  unsafe  char- 
acter and  moral  need.  The  Deuteronomists'  emphatic 
way  of  putting  this  is  their  pleading  that  the  chil- 
dren be  not  neglected,  but  be  taught  lest  the  gen- 
eration to  come  remain  low,  or  fall  low  and  be  lost. 
There  is  in  all  a  desire  for  an  improved,  civic,  fam- 
ily, and  personal  life. 

The  first  and  nearest  consequent  thought  is  that 
Yahweh  is  one  who  lifts  them  up.  The  power 
making  for  righteousness  is  a  great  fact.  God,  who 
is  very  real  now,  is  a  god  and  not  man.  Men  had 
thought  of  Yahweh  as  an  ordinary  clansman.  But  a 
blaze  of  terrifying  consciousness  has  come  over  them 
and  they  find  themselves  far  from  him.  He  tells 
them  they  must  rise,  and  they  feel  they  must  obey ; 
this  is  his  ''  command." 

The  thought  dawns  that  he  is  more  than  they 
fancied  :  they  have  not  known  what  he  is.     "With  the 

143 


144  THE   FORMAL   DOCTRINAL   TEACHERS 

new  knowledge  there  arises  the  new  idea  of  possible 
progress  in  revelation.  Naturally  they  do  not  set  the 
date  of  this  at  their  own  time,  but  suppose  that  their 
god  revealed  himself  at  the  Exodus  in  an  utterly  new 
character,  as  Yahweh.  These  writers  are,  however, 
not  altogether  carried  away  by  this  theory ;  they 
think  that  the  name  "  Yahweh  "  was  not  used  fully 
even  after  that  revelation.  Not  all  rose  to  it.  In- 
deed, as  Yahweh's  character  had  been  a  far-off  thing 
before  that,  so  ever  since  only  a  few  had  truly  grasped 
it.  Did  not  Amos  preach  that  he  was  not  in  the 
sanctuaries  for  all  men,  but  only  for  the  seekers  of 
good?  And  Hosea  had  preached  that  he  was  away 
from  the  sacred  city  and  almost  minded  to  return  to 
destroy  it.  A  few  persons,  Moses  and  some  like  him, 
a  family  like  Levi,  officers  duly  ordained,  had  stood 
near  him ;  in  certain  places,  and  one  especially  of  his 
choosing,  he  had  loved  to  be  seen  and  known.  It 
was  impossible  for  those  men  in  that  age  to  grasp 
the  idea  of  a  transcendental  divine  spirit :  so  certain 
things,  as  well  as  persons,  appeared  more  exclusively 
his  wondrous  agents.  But  now  the  Deuteronomists 
advance  further  in  the  path  of  progress,  and  add,  Our 
god  is  El-Qanna,  "Deity-ever-jealous."  We  have 
thought  of  a  Yahweh  Jiere  and  another  Yahweh  there. 
This  pains  him.  We  must  confine  our  thought  of  his 
presence  to  the  one  wonderful  place,  where  we  are 
sure  he  does  choose  to  abide ;  otherwise  we  are  in 
awful  danger.  So  let  Shechem  alone  be  his  place  of 
manifestation  at  our  feasts."  They  conceive  his  char- 
acter as  that  of  the  deity  who  cares  for  them  indeed, 
their  own  Elohim,  who  is  absolutely  alone,  summing 


THEOLOGY  OF  THE  FORMAL  TEACHERS   145 

up  in  himself  all  the  many  powers  that  they  had  sup- 
posed to  be  diverse.  These  are  not  now  to  be  viewed 
as  a  plurality  but  as  One.  And  his  care  is  manifest  in 
his  preference  of  the  one  place,  and  the  one  kind  of 
worship  that  is  observed  at  Shechem  and  in  his  gifts 
of  statutes  and  directions  whereby  he  may  prove  them 
and  save  them.     That  was  their  theology. 

Now  w^hat  were  men  to  do  ?  What  were  their 
ethics?  They  were  above  all  to  be  a  thoughtful,  an 
ever  more  and  more  educated  people.  They  believed 
the  very  Decalogue  was  not  a  fixed,  unalterable  thing. 
Different  forms  of  it  had  been  given  ;  or  at  least, 
different  true  interpretations  of  its  mystic  signs  had 
been  revealed.  It  is  clear  to  us  to-day  that  even  the 
final  Decalogue  is  not  a  perfect  logical  compend  of  all 
moral  obligation,  but  was  rather  a  selection  of  those 
great  points  of  duty  that  had  filled  most  largely 
the  general  religious  mind  during  this  age.  The 
people  had  grown  morally  awake  and  those  needs 
that  pressed  first  were,  to  wit:  due  reverence  for 
Yahweh,  the  distant  god,  not  to  be  meanly  rep- 
resented ;  due  acts  and  days  of  orderly  w^orship  ; 
clan-reverence ;  due  regard  for  life,  property,  sex,  and 
character  of  neighbours.  But  there  followed  the  nota- 
ble demand  made  by  all  those  writers  that  the  Dec- 
alogue must  be  supplemented.  Whether  a  generation 
must  pass  away  and  Moab  was  the  place  to  see  this, 
or  whether  Horeb  itself  was  the  place ;  in  either  case, 
then  as  always,  tables  of  rules  have  to  be  enlarged ; 
codes  must  be  added.  Nay,  more,  men  fit  to  be  the 
enlargers,  the  further  lawgivers,  were  always  to  be 
raised   up  by  Yahweh  for   his  people's   help.     But 


146  THE   FORMAL    DOCTRINAL  TEACHERS 

documents  must  be  used;  writing  had  become  the 
sacred  material  means  of  divine  revelation.  So  it 
has  always  been,  and  the  "  Second  Laws  "  of  the 
Deuteronomists  were  the  forerunners  of  the  Orders 
of  Ezekiel  and  of  the  Priestly  school,  and  of  the 
Elders  and  their  Mishnah  and  their  Gemara  long 
after.  And  what  else  are  our  Books  of  Discipline, 
our  creeds,  but  second  sets  of  sacred  law  needed 
wherever  written  law  is  made.  Indeed,  our  Parlia- 
ments are  proof  that  written  law  must  be,  and  that  it 
must  be  forever  amended. 

In  those  Elohistic  and  Deuteronomic  minds  the 
claims  of  order  for  ceremonial  worship  did  not  bulk 
largely :  the  work  of  Amos  and  his  fellows  had  left 
that  well  in  the  background.  The  main  demands 
were  for  everyday  life  which  was  to  be  full  of  love, 
reasoiiingy  teaching,  and  civil  organisation.  Such  were 
the  ethics  of  those  writers. 

But  we  must  note  the  essential  and  pervading  limi- 
tations in  their  theology  and  ethics,  and  see  how 
those  very  limitations  were  fertile  and  would  insure 
enlargement. 

First,  the  inception  of  the  faith  that  divine  guid- 
ance was  given  by  and  in  documents  was  a  limita- 
tion. It  presumed  to  hem  in  the  mind  from  essential 
interaction  with  the  mind  of  God.  The  mind  of 
every  man  must  go  on  communing  with  the  divine 
mind.  Literary  men  would  touch  with  editing  pen 
the  documents  they  read,  however  holy  they  were. 
New  documents  were  the  inevitable  products  of  the 
older  ones.  Nay,  more,  the  documents  claiming  to 
be  Yahweh's  words  had  to  be  commended  to  the  peo- 


THEOLOGY   OF   THE   FORMAL   TEACHERS       147 

pie  before  tliey  would  accept  them.  The  argumenta- 
tion that  had  to  be  added  was  as  divine  as  the  docu- 
ments :  new  divine  words  had  to  come. 

But  again,  the  concentration  of  worship  in  one 
place  was  a  limitation  that  brought  its  own  rescind- 
ing. "  Worship  in  one  place,"  said  the  document ; 
"  and  in  all  your  homes  teach  your  children  to  love 
Yahweh  with  all  their  being."  Plainly,  to  a  child 
teaching  would  be  a  manifestation  of  God.  And  the 
theory  that  Yahweh  would  manifest  himself  in  Shech- 
em  only  was  thus  at  once  thoroughly  annulled.  The 
child  was  to  bow  before  the  loving  God  at  home,  al- 
though he  could  not  share  in  the  far-away  worship  of 
the  feast.  The  same  is  to  be  said  of  the  limitation 
of  God  to  companionship  with  certain  singularly  en- 
dowed and  favoured  men,  or  a  family,  or  of  the  limi- 
tation of  His  action,  or  at  least  His  most  divine 
action  to  the  occasions  when  a  certain  wonder-rod 
was  swayed.  This  very  limiting  led  men  to  think  of 
the  god ;  they  felt  they  were  not  alone.  The  limita- 
tion burst  itself.  God  speaks,  who  can  but  hear  ?  cried 
Amos ;  and  he  was  a  prophet,  a  man  truly  inspired, 
although  he  said,  as  taught  by  the  theology  of  the 
times,  that  he  was  no  prophet  ! 

Finally,  it  is  remarkable  that  the  whole  movement 
of  the  time  was  actually  toward  a  faith  in  God  as 
something  transcendent,  one  who  was  "  a  god  and 
not  man,"  above  the  material  earth  and  the  ways  of 
earthly  men,  not  to  be  seen  with  the  bodily  eye,  but 
in  the  visions  of  the  soul .  and  yet  the  wa}"  of  the  in- 
coming of  this  doctrine  was  through  the  linking  of  God 
to    certain  wonderful,  material   things,  instruments, 


148  THE  FORMAL  DOCTRINAL  TEACHERS 

places,  men.  Strange  surely,  advance  is  claimed, 
yet  men  seem  to  go  backward.  Yet  the  movement 
toward  transcendence  had  started ;  and  if  simple 
souls  in  the  first  overwhelmed  moments  of  the  in- 
coming consciousness  that  "He  is  far  above,"  did 
reel  in  feeble  fashion,  they  were  going  forward,  and 
should  see  better  when  the  dazzling  light  grew  more 
wonted,  and  out  of  the  material  they  rose  to  the 
reality  of  the  spiritual.  For  to  think  at  all  about 
faults  in  one's  self  or  people  and  to  dream  of  a  higher 
ideal  than  the  past,  to  guess  at  the  unseen  who 
demands  righteousness — all  this  is  new  birth  into 
spiritual  manhood.  The  Elohistic  and  Deutero- 
nomic  schools  or  school  marked  a  wide  awakening, 
a  wonderful  advance  of  many  people,  and  a  great 
step  forward  in  the  life  of  realised  religion  and  good- 
ness. Such  were  the  theology  and  ethics  of  this 
large  class. 


PART  V 

THE    THEOLOGY    AND    ETHICS    OF    THE 
PERIOD   OF  POLITICAL  REORGAN- 
ISATION IN  JUDAH 

From  700  to  600  b.c. 

CHAPTEE  I 

THE  CENTURY 

The  first  great  fact  of  these  times  is  that  in  them  a 
religious  impulse  changed  the  whole  face  of  affairs 
among  the  people  we  call  Hebrews.  Here  we  might 
begin  to  say  they  were  Jews  rather  than  Hebrews : 
for  the  little  tribe  of  Juclah  and  a  few  companion  fam- 
ilies in  the  mountainous  south  were  now  all  that  was 
left  of  old  Israel  since  the  northern  kingdom  fell  in 
722  B.C.  Just  a  century  after  that,  in  622  B.C.,  the 
little  kingdom  of  Judali  made  a  complete  revolution 
in  its  constitution,  its  worship,  and  its  homes,  and 
based  its  action  on  the  Deuteronomic  ideas,  and  on 
some  one  or  other  of  the  documents  that  we  have 
just  been  studying.  This  remarkable  event  has 
moulded  the  Jews  ever  since,  and  become  the  very 
centre  of  all  their  formal,  religious  being ;  and  it  has 
also  very  deeply  affected  all  our  Christianity. 

But  such  epoch-making  events  do  not  occur  quite 
independently  of  other  far-reaching  movements,  and 

149 


150      POLITICAL  KEORGANISATION    IN  JUDAH 

examination  shows  quickly  that  many  forces  were 
tending  to  excite  and  to  aid  this  one  occurrence  in 
Judah.  The  actions  and  experiences  of  great  nations 
all  around  this  little  one  were,  at  the  same  time,  un- 
commonly serious.  The  reformation  of  Hebraism 
took  place  in  the  very  midst  of  tremendous  catas- 
trophes. Assyria  fell  forever  just  then.  Her  rival 
Egypt  tried  to  snatch  the  succession,  but  failed  mis- 
erably. The  world-empire  was  grasped  by  the  prov- 
ince of  Babylon  that  had  long  lain  prostrate  beneath 
the  feet  of  Assyria;  but  soon,  in  her  turn.  Babylonia 
also  fell  before  the  new  kingdom  of  Medo-Persia. 
What  throbbing  of  the  world's  pulse  was  all  this ! 
Surely  all  men  must  have  cried :  "  God  have  mercy 
on  us,"  "What  must  we  do  to  be  saved?"  Here 
doubtless  was  a  time  of  fever  heat  in  the  theological 
and  moral  thinking  of  the  peoples. 

But,  further,  Assyria  fell  just  when  she  had  been 
at  a  most  brilliant  height  of  her  glory;  and  her 
strange  overturning  was  wrought  apparently  by  an 
entirely  new  factor  in  the  world's  history,  a  power 
reaching  out  from  the  very  unseen,  one  of  those  great 
invasions  of  semi-barbarous  hordes  that  have  again 
and  again  altered  the  face  of  the  known  earth.  Here 
was  enough  to  strike  out,  as  it  did,  the  fine  flashes  of 
power  that  we  read  in  Nahum  and  Zephaniah,  and 
the  grander  bright  light  of  Jeremiah ;  for  the  invaders 
marched  from  fallen  Nineveh  away  down  the  coast  of 
Palestine,  but  a  few  miles  distant  from  little  Zion, 
perched  in  comparative  security  2,000  feet  above  that 
coast  road  yet  terrified  by  the  sight  of  the  wild  men. 

A  look  at  Assyria  will  show  us  that  all  men  there 


THE   CENTURY  151 

in  those  days  were  remarkably  ready  to  think  relig- 
iously, and  to  say  as  they  saw  the  wild  Scythian 
hordes,  "What  hath  G^ofZ  wrought  ?  " 

There  were  three  renowned  warrior  emperors  in 
Assyria  in  this  century :  Sennacherib  (705-681),  Esar- 
haddon  (681-668),  and  Assurbanipal,  sometimes  called 
Sardanapalus  (668-626).  The  first  of  the  three  was 
a  great  conqueror ;  but  he  found  time,  and  had  ability 
to  train  his  successor,  his  third  son  Esarhaddon  in 
military  respects  to  even  a  higher  pitch  of  ability 
than  he  himself  attained,  and  also  to  give  him  a  nota- 
bly gracious  character,  and  a  very  kindly  disposition 
toward  all  religions.  Esarhaddon's  activity  ended 
when,  after  thirteen  years  of  rule,  he  abdicated  in 
favor  of  his  son  Assurbanipal.  Probably  he  was  so 
religious  as  to  become  ascetic,  and  was  thus  led  to  re- 
tire from  the  cares  of  state.  His  son  and  follower  as 
emperor,  is  a  still  more  important  figure.  He  was, 
indeed,  a  great  soldier,  but  far  greater  was  his  other 
service  to  the  world.  It  was  he  who  built  up  the 
library  that  has  been  discovered  at  Kuyunjik.  As 
Assyriologists  translate  its  tablets  for  us,  we  find  a 
rich  store  of  works  on  religion  as  well  as  on  many  an- 
other field  of  knowledge  ;  and  this  tells  us  that  religion, 
and  thought  about  religion,  and  documents  concern- 
ing the  same  were  matters  of  utmost  importance  to  this 
emperor.  Of  course,  so  also  they  must  have  been  to 
his  people,  and  likewise  to  the  many  provinces  and 
dependencies  under  his  influence. 

But  suddenly  all  the  Assyrian  activity  ceased. 
Assurbanipal  ruled  long,  busily  conquering,  studying, 
recording  the  life  of  his  empire,  and  of  all  the  world 


152      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION   IN   JUDAH 

he  touched ;  and  then  suddenly  we  find  his  annals  fall- 
ing into  confusion  and  silence.  The  people  from  far 
Tartary  and  farther  Russia,  whom  Herodotus  calls 
Skuthoi,  brought  final  ruin  to  him  and  his  work,  his 
city,  and  his  empire. 

It  is  necessary  to  note  one  further  feature  of  the 
times  and  their  catastrophes.  Assyria's  world-rule 
meant  the  rise  of  the  conviction  in  Assyria  that  all 
nations  could  be  ruled  as  one  whole.  Of  course 
the  Assyrian  believed  that  he  was  the  fit  ruler  and 
centre  of  all,  but  the  great  religious  fact  in  this  is  the 
belief  in  One  system  in  the  world,  and  necessarily  one 
law,  one  guidance,  one  supreme  God.  All  men  were 
nearing  the  same  faith.  When  Assyria  fell,  Egypt 
claimed  the  right  to  succeed  her :  therefore  Egypt, 
too,  believed  in  a  unity  in  the  Avorld.  So  did  Baby- 
lon, which  fought  Egypt  and  gained  the  world-rule. 
And  so  did  Medo-Persia,  which  did  the  like  ere  long. 
But  little  Judah  believed  the  same.  When  Egypt 
passed  north  in  609  B.C.  across  the  plain  of  Megiddo, 
in  her  hope  to  take  the  imperial  crown,  the  petty 
sheik  of  Judah — we  call  him  commonly  King  Josiah 
— marched  out  to  prevent  Egypt  and  her  King  Pha- 
raoh-Necho.  Josiah  fell,  no  wonder  to  us  :  but  it  was 
a  wonder  to  him  and  his  little  host  and  people.  Why  ? 
How  did  he  come  to  and  cherish  the  dream  that  he 
and  his  god,  forsooth,  should  be  the  rulers  of  all 
men  ?  It  was  because  he  had  accepted  with  all  his 
heart  the  documents  and  doctrine  of  the  Deuterono- 
mists  that  Yahweh  was  the  real  lord  of  all  men,  and 
the  god  of  the  whole  earth.  The  religious  move- 
ment that  we  have  traced  up  to  its  highest  moral 


THE   CENTURY  153 

height  in  the  prophets,  to  its  formal  crystallisation  in 
the  Elohists,  and  its  vision  of  unification  in  one  sanc- 
tuary according  to  the  Deuteronomists, — this  long 
rise  found  its  rightful  climax,  on  one  side  at  least,  in 
the  self-sacrifice  of  the  chief  representative  Hebrew 
for  the  attainment  of  his  Deuteronomic  political  ideal. 
Josiah  believed  God  led  him.  He  was  not  wrong. 
Soon  afterward  another  representative  Hebrew  did 
speak  out  the  watchword  by  which  all  the  world  has 
really  been  ruled  ;  but  this  man,  a  poor  slave  in 
Babylon,  saw  more  clearly  than  the  king  Josiah  the 
kind  of  battle  that  was  to  be  fought,  the  kind  of  realm 
that  was  to  be  won  and  built  and  swayed.  This 
later  Hebrew  was  the  Suffering  Servant  of  God, 
whose  requiem  and  rising  again  are  sung  in  Isa.  liii. 


CHAPTER  II 

josiah's  reformation 

At  the  end  of  our  study  of  Isaiah  and  the  religion 
of  the  eighth  century,  we  left  King  Hezekiah  on  the 
throne.  He  had  foolishly  resisted  the  guidance  of 
Isaiah  and  brought  direct  sorrow  upon  himself  and 
his  land.  Hezekiah  reigned  on,  a  tolerated  subject 
of  Assyria,  until  about  697  B.C. 

Manasseh,  son  of  Hezekiah,  succeeded  him.  He 
was  able  to  hold  his  throne  from  697  until  642  ;  i.e., 
fifty-five  years.  This  implies  a  kindly  government 
of  his  people  and  wisdom  to  serve  acceptably  his 
Assyrian  chiefs,  Sennacherib,  Esarhaddon,  and  As- 
surbanipal.  With  nineteen  other  princes  he  was 
compelled  by  Esarhaddon  to  bring  material  to  Nin- 
eveh for  the  emperor's  buildings.  2  Kings  says  he 
was  held  there  for  a  time  as  prisoner,  and  condemns 
many  religious  practices  that  were  common  under 
him.  The  writer  of  this  story  of  his  life  in  Kings 
was  deeply  influenced  by  the  spirit  of  the  reforma- 
tion that  was  accomplished  by  King  Josiah  ;  there- 
fore we  may  conclude  that  in  his  view  religion  from 
700  down  to  640 — i.e.,  at  least  all  through  Manasseh's 
reign — had  been  steadily  growing  more  unlike  what 
this  later  writer  approved.  While  in  Assyria,  Ma- 
nasseh had  learned  Assyrian  ways.  Doubtless  he 
brought  back  Assyrian  customs  of  worship  and  ways 

164 


josiah's  reformation  155 

of  thinking  and  also  much  regard  for  the  Imperial 
gods. 

Many  have  held  the  theory  that  it  was  by  the 
official  religious  men  of  this  very  period  under  Ma- 
nasseh,  that  the  plan  of  Josiah's  reformation  was  de- 
vised. There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  reformation 
was  in  reality  the  outcome  of  the  moral  and  religious 
influences  at  work  all  through  the  past  and  at  Avork 
also  during  this  century.  But  during  Manasseh's 
reign  all  the  influences  which  caused  the  schools  of 
Elohists  and  of  Deuteronomists  were  opposed  by 
the  official  religious  men  and  their  wa3^s.  Manasseh 
and  his  officers  were  good  in  their  way,  but  they 
were  not  eager  for  religious  advance  along  the  Elo- 
histic  or  Deuteronomic  lines. 

Manasseh  reigned  fifty  years  and  died  in  642. 
His  son  Amon  succeeded  him,  but  was  assassinated 
by  a  palace  conspiracy  within  two  years.  The  old 
murderous  spirit  that  had  done  so  much  to  ruin 
Israel  a  century  before  was  rife  in  the  court.  It 
speaks  for  Manasseh's  ability  that  he  kept  this  spirit 
in  restraint ;  and  the  story  that  the  whole  people 
were  indignant  at  the  assassination  of  the  new 
king  Amon  and  at  once  brought  the  evil-doers  to 
justice  is  further  evidence  that  the  nation  as  a 
whole  was  in  a  fairly  orderly  state  when  Manasseh 
died. 

All  the  more  surprising  is  the  report  of  what  fol- 
lowed. The  nation  as  a  whole  was  in  fairly  good 
order.  But  evidently  they  were  becoming  discon- 
tented with  official  and  traditional  ways.  The  priests 
were  a  careless  set  of  men.     Josiah  on  his  accession 


156      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION   IN   JUDAH 

was  a  cliikl  of  eight  years ;  city  and  temple  must  have 
been  thoroughly  controlled  by  these  officials.  Not 
until  he  was  twenty-six  years  of  age  do  we  read  of 
efforts  to  repair  the  temple  of  Zion,  which  had  fallen 
sadly  into  disorder  in  the  hands  of  the  courtly  and 
priestly  officials.  The  king  had  to  take  severe  meas- 
ures to  compel  the  priests  to  restore  their  sanctuary. 
"When,  therefore,  it  is  argued  that  these,  and  espe- 
cially their  chief  Hilkiah,  planned  and  carried 
through  the  reformation  by  which  this  temple  was 
made  the  most  important  institution  in  the  land,  we 
are  forced  to  say  that  that  is  very  improbable. 

What  did  happen  ?  During  the  restoration  of  the 
sacred  edifice  a  manuscript  was  found.  Doubtless 
there  were  many  such  treasures  lying  in  store-rooms 
in  the  building.  There  are  ever  and  anon  such  dis- 
coveries made  to-day.  Recently  great  finds  of  man- 
uscripts have  been  made  in  the  monasteries  in 
Arabia.  The  manuscript  brought  to  light  startled 
the  finders  and  readers.  Its  purport  must  certainly 
have  been  germane  to  the  general  tendency  of  the 
times,  else  they  would  have  given  it  little  heed.  It 
contained  heavy  threats  of  Yahweh's  displeasure 
against  the  nation  unless  they  should  undertake  cer- 
tain changes  in  their  religious  customs. 

The  king  sought  at  once  an  oracle  from  Yahweh 
to  determine  its  validity.  After  the  oracular  reply, 
which  was  given  by  an  elderly  woman  living  at  a 
secondary  sanctuary,  the  king  called  a  general  assem- 
bly and  read  to  them  the  newly  found  manuscript. 
Thereupon  the  assembly  covenanted  that  a  reforma- 
tion should  be  made  according  to  its  requirements. 


josiah's  keformation  157 

The  actual  innovations  made  in  consequence  of  this 
covenant  were  in  brief  these : 

All  Yahweh  sanctuaries  outside  of  Zion  were  an- 
nulled ;  their  ministers  were  brought  to  Zion,  if  they 
would  come,  and  were  allowed  to  serve  at  the  altar 
there. 

All  sanctuaries  of  deities  other  than  Yahweh,  with- 
in or  without  Zion,  were  desecrated.  The  instru- 
ments of  Baal-worship,  star-worship,  and  lust-wor- 
ship, the  Ashera  ^  posts,  and  the  pillars  marking  the 
places  where  the  theophany  had  been  experienced 
were  destroyed. 

An  entirely  new  fashion  of  holding  the  Passover 
feast  was  established. 

Let  us  now  set  together  the  features  revealed  by 
the  story  (2  Kings  xxii.  f.)  of  the  sort  of  religion 
prevalent  among  the  Hebrews  in  general  before  the 
reformation  and  when  they  undertook  it. 

There  seem  to  have  been  two  shrines  in  Zion. 

The  worship  in  Zion,  in  so  far  as  it  was  genuine 
Yahweh  worship,  was  altogether  different  from  that 
which  the  newly  discovered  document  demanded.  A 
change  took  place  even  among  good  religious  folk. 

There  was  much  worship  in  Zion,  and  in  the  very 
temple,  that  startles  us  as  we  read  of  it.  There  was  the 
Asherah,  i.e.,  a  pole  or  symbol  of  a  tree  or  of  the  god 
Ashur ;  and  it  had  its  sacrificial  paraphernalia.  So 
also  there  were  instruments  for  worship  of  a  Ba'al,  i.e., 

^  Was  the  Asherah  worship  a  Judaean  sort  of  Ashur-worship,  an 
effort  to  win  to  their  aid  the  mighty  Assyrian  war-god  Ashur, 
whose  symbol  in  his  own  land  was  a  portable  pole  with  a  sort  of 
human  head  ? 


158      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION   IN  JUDAH 

a  masculiiie  deity  of  lordship  and  of  fertility;  and 
the  like  also  for  worship  of  many  stars. 

In  the  city  and  the  land  there  were  oracle  mongers 
of  the  nature  of  ventriloquists  and  wizards.  There 
were  many  teraphs  or  sacred  images,  but  these  teraplis 
might  be  such  as  Hosea  honoured.  There  were  others 
that  are  contemptuously  called  "  rolling  blocks  "  and 
many  things  called  "disgusting  "  by  the  narrator. 

The  nigh-priest  knew  all  about  these ;  and  no 
doubt  he  had  power  to  remove  them  if  he  had 
wished,  during  the  long  minority  of  the  king.  But 
the  king  had  to  order  this  high-priest  to  make  good 
the  money  revenues  of  the  temple  and  pay  these  out 
for  the  repairs.  The  high-priest  not  only  left  the 
document  lying  unheeded  in  the  temple,  but  is  also 
described  as  showing  no  anxiety  about  it  when  dis- 
covered. This  high-priest  headed  the  deputation 
sent  to  consult  the  oracle  concerning  the  document, 
but  this  deputation  consulted  neither  Zephaniah  nor 
Jeremiah.  If  these  prophets  were  of  the  same  mind 
as  the  author  of  Deuteronomy,  it  is  inconceivable  that 
the  high-priest  was  in  any  way  responsible  for  it. 

Let  us  now  set  down  the  evidence  that  the  manu- 
script which  was  found  was  Deuteronomy,  or  a  part 
of  it.  In  2  Kings  xxii.  ff.,  the  document  found  is  de- 
scribed as  "  The  book  of  the  law,"  a  phrase  which  is 
use(«l  frequently  in  Deuteronomy  of  the  directions 
supposed  to  have  been  given  by  Moses  in  the  laud  of 
Moab.  Its  contents  are  called  "  the  words  of  the  law  " 
in  the  Kings  story  ;  so  also  does  Deuteronomy  speak 
of  its  own  contents.^ 

'  Cf.  2  Kings  xxii.  8,  etc.,  with  Deut.  xvii.  18,  etc. 


josiah's  refokmation  159 

The  manuscript  is  described  in  Kings  as  including 
"  a  certain  covenant,"  and  we  read  of  "the  words  of  the 
book  of  the  covenant,"  and  of  "  directions  and  testi- 
monies and  statutes  "  which  it  contained.  These  are 
the  very  expressions  used  again  and  again  in  Deuter- 
onomy concerning  its  own  prescriptions.^ 

2  Kings  xxiii.  3  says  that  the  people  and  king 
made  a  covenant  to  "  guard  all  Yahweh's  command- 
ments and  his  testimonies  and  his  statutes  with  all 
their  heart  (mind)  and  with  all  their  soul  (life)." 
These  again  are  the  terms  used  by  Deuteronomy  con- 
cerning itself.^ 

The  reformers  proceeded,  says  2  Kings,  to  burn 
an  Asherah  and  all  the  instruments  the  people  had 
for  Ashera-worship  and  Baal-worship  and  to  remove 
all  ventriloquists  and  wizards.  This  is  what  Deuter- 
onomy prescribes.^ 

The  king,  as  he  hears  the  manuscript  read,  is  filled 
with  apprehension  lest  the  "  wrath  of  Yahweh  may 
come  upon  the  nation  because  their  fathers  have  not 
listened  to  these  words."  These  are  exactly  the  same 
expressions  that  would  be  suggested  in  Deuteronomy.'* 

Most  important  of  all  is  the  feature  that  the  centrali- 
sation of  worship  was  proclaimed  by  King  Josiah  and 
accepted  by  all  the  people ;  and  that  this  is  the  kernel 
of  Deuteronomy.  This  centralisation  is  the  chief 
characteristic  feature  in  both  records.     According  to 

'  Cf  2  Kings  xxiii.  3  with  Deut.  iv.  45  ;  v.  1,  3,  31 ;  vi.  1  f.,  17, 
20;  xi.  1;  xii.  1;   xxvi.  16  ff.  ;  etc.,  etc. 
'^Deut.  vi.  5;  xxx.  10,  etc. 

2  Deut.  xii.   3,  xiii.  1  ff.,  xvi    21;   xvii.  3;  xviii.  10  ff. 
•^Cf.  2  Kings  xxii.  13  with  Deut.  xxix,  20-28;   xxx.  17  ff. 


160      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION   IN   JUDAII 

2  Kings  this  ceutnilisation  was  specially  accomplished 
by  the  new  procedure  in  the  passover  which  was  held 
not  in  every  town  and  home  in  the  land,  but  in  Jeru- 
salem and  only  there.  This  is  the  very  demand  of 
Deuteronomy.^ 

No  doubt  the  original  record  which  was  the  basis 
of  2  Kings  xxii.  f.  has  been  re-edited  and  enlarged  but 
the  points  enumerated  are  original,  and  they  lead  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  manuscript  that  was  found 
was  a  part  of  our  present  book  of  Deuteronomy.  We 
have  already  learned  that  there  are  various  elements 
in  that  book.  That  one  which  uses  mostly  the  singular 
"  thou  "  and  exalts  the  "  Judges  "  rather  than  the 
"  Elders,"  contains  pleadings  and  warnings  adapted  to 
move  Josiah  and  his  people  as  2  Kings  says  they  were 
moved.  The  manuscript  of  Josiah  cannot  have  con- 
tained all  our  present  composite  book,  for  that  is  far 
too  long  to  be  read  through  at  a  sitting.  A  simple 
calculation  of  the  verses  or  words  in  Deuteronomy, 
and  of  those  in  the  "Judges  "  document,  shows  how 
natural  it  is  to  suppose  that  a  part  of  the  present  book, 
and  for  other  reasons  the  "  Judges "  part,  was  the 
manuscript.  Therefore  we  conclude  that  this  was  the 
Charter  of  the  Befoi^mation.  And  now  it  follows  that 
the  people  of  Judah  at  large  had  come  to  the  stage  of 
progress  where  they  could,  in  at  least  this  general 
sense,  be  said  to  hold  the  same  theology  and  ethics 
that  we  found  in  the  Elohistic  and  Deuteronomic 
schools. 

'  Deut.  ivi.  1-8. 


CHAPTEE  III 


These  two  heralds  of  the  Josian  reformation  con- 
firm our  view  that  many  Hebrews  of  the  middle  of 
the  seventh  century  were  religiously  awake  and  saw 
the  dangers  on  the  political  horizon  that  aroused  the 
deep  voice  of  conscience,  bidding  them  seek  God 
and  find  safety.  These  two  prophets  worked  during 
the  twenty  years  in  which  Assurbanipal  was  failing 
and  Josiah  was  growing  on  toward  his  maturity  and 
his  reforming  work. 

Manifestly  about  the  year  640  or  a  little  later,  the 
tidings  reached  Judah  that  the  hosts  of  Scythians 
had  overwhelmed  the  Assyrian  capital.^  Had  Na- 
hum  himself  seen  the  deeds  of  those  barbarians  that 
he  so  vividly  describes,  the  blood  red  shields,  the 
rushing  horses,  and  wheels  with  outstretched  scythes 
mowing  down  all  before  them  ?  Had  he  watched 
the  Assyrian  queen  and  her  maidens  carried  away 
in  dishonour  ?  Had  he  seen  the  devastated  city 
and  the  Scythians  leaping  away  like  grasshoppers  at 
sunrise  to  fresh  fields  for  devouring  ?  Had  he  seen 
the  poor  Assyrians  treading  clay,  wet  with  their  own 
tears,  that  they  might  build  up  again  some  of  the 

^  For  full  analysis  and  estimate  see  the  author's  Old  Testa- 
ment  Theology^  vol.  ii. 

2  Nineveh  fell  Cir.  C07.— [Cuaig.] 
161 


162      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION   IN   JUDAH 

fallen  defences  ?  Either  he  had  seen  or  had  heard  of 
it  from  eye-witnesses.  He  proclaimed  it  all  to  be  a 
deed  of  divine  favour  toward  Judah.  The  jealous 
fury  of  Yahweh  was  saving  her  from  her  old  slave 
mistress. 

But  a  decade  rolled  by  and  Zephaniah  stood  on 
the  hills  about  Jerusalem  and  saw  the  invaders 
trampling  down  the  low  coast  lands.  They  were 
hurrying  everywhere.  He  expected  that  they  would 
ruin  Egypt  and  then  march  north  again  devastating 
the  coast,  and  why  not  all  Judah  and  Jerusalem?  Yet 
the  prophet  seemed  to  think  safety  possible.  Just  as 
Isaiah  saw  that  the  hilltop  city,  Jerusalem,  might  be 
left  untouched,  so  Zephaniah  saw  and  trusted. 

The  main  features  of  the  religion  of  the  time,  as 
seen  in  these  two  men  and  their  little  books  we  may 
now  formulate.  Nahum  thinks  of  Yahweh  as  ruler 
over  all  gods  and  peoples.  He  is  also  the  storm  god 
and  a  jealous,  fierce  deity.  But  his  tierce  passion  is 
closely  akin  to  his  devoted  love  for  his  own  folk. 
Nahum  knows  also  a  correlate  to  this  love  :  there 
are  about  him  some  who  truly  trust  Yahweh.  A 
golden  thread  is  woven  through  Nahum *s  dread  ora- 
cles. Zephaniah  seems  at  first  sight  more  occupied 
with  the  condition  of  men  than  with  the  ways  of 
Yahweh.  The  way  of  men  is  sad,  fearful,  fatal. 
There  was  a  class,  how  large  or  few  we  do  not  know, 
whom  Zephaniah  calls  "the  bowing  ones,"  and  he 
suggests  that  they  submit  to  ill-treatment  respecting 
their  landed  rights.  Evidently  the  economic  con- 
dition of  Judah  was  bad,  similar  to  that  denounced 
by  Isaiah  in  chap,  v.,  where  some  were  described  as 


NAHUM   AND   ZEPHANIAH  163 

joining  field  to  field  until  tliey  must  ere  long  be  ac- 
tually alone  in  the  land.  Amos  had  pointed  to  some 
such  evils  coming.  Isaiah  tells  of  their  fatal  spread. 
Seventy-five  years  later,  Zephaniah  feels  that  the 
case  is  almost  hopeless ;  good  men  bow  to  it  as 
Yahweh's  "  strange  ordinance."  Zephaniah  is  not  a 
very  clear  thinker  about  methods  of  regeneration. 
He  feels  indeed  that  Amos's  demand  for  goodness 
was  too  indefinite,  and  therefore  he  cries  "  Yes,  seek 
goodness,  but  do  this  by  seeking  humility,"  for  that 
is  evidently  submission  to  Yahweh.  This  would  of 
course  be  fatalism  and  fatal  to  life.  However,  the 
prophet  discovers  a  safe  course  by  falling  back  on  the 
Amosian  faith  that  Yahweh  is  the  god  of  righteous- 
ness. Therefore,  he  exhorts  to  follow  Yahweh,  the 
unfailingly  good.  The  Day  of  Yahweh  will  be  an 
awful  day,  as  Amos  prophesied ;  yet  it  will  be  also  a 
time  of  surest  comfort.  Yahweh  will  bring  purity, 
comfort,  life. 

Such  were  the  sort  of  men  and  the  sort  of  ideas 
that  Josiah  could  depend  upon  to  work  a  real  moral 
reformation,  while  his  high-priest  Hilkiah  looked  on 
indifferently. 


CHAPTEE  IV 

THE  THEOLOGY  AND   ETHICS  OF  JEREMIAH 

The    Critic  of  the  Reformation. 

Jeremiah,  with  whom  Jesus  is  said  in  the  Gospel 
of  Matthew  to  have  been  identified,  is  commonly  and 
wrongfully  spoken  of  as  the  "  weeping  prophet,"  be- 
cause of  his  plaint  in  chap.  ix.  1  f.  He  felt  pro- 
foundly the  pitiful  state  of  his  countrymen,  but  he 
was  a  man  and  no  whimperer.  He  was  keen  of  con- 
science and  possessed  a  strong  sense  of  his  own  in- 
dividuality and  personality  unlike  the  conceptions 
of  earlier  days  when  men  thought  only  of  the  tribe. 
"Conscience  condemns  each  one  of  us,"  was  his  cry, 
"but  YahAveh  is  near  to  help  each  personally^ 
Here  we  may  anticipate  a  little  to  say  that  the  lyric 
songs  of  Isa.  xli.,  xlix.,  li.,  liii.,  in  honour  of  the  true 
servant  of  Yahweh  probably  meant  a  real  individual 
person,  because  they  evidently  had  Jeremiah  in  mind, 
as  we  may  see  by  the  similarity  in  speech  and  thought 
of  Isa.  liii.  1,  7,  8,  and  Jer.  xi.  18,  19. 

Most  important  for  us  to  consider  is  Jeremiah's 
way  of  dealing  with  the  Deuteronomic  reformation. 
"Were  all  Hebrews  to  be  satisfied  with  the  Deutero- 
nomic plan  ?  Why  must  the  answer  be  negative,  and 
why  do  we  call  Jeremiah  the  critic  of  the  reformation  ? 
The  question  calls  for  an  analysis  of  the  book.     The 

164 


THEOLOGY   AND   ETHICS   OF   JEKEMIAH        165 

list  of  the  dates  here  given  will  enable  the  reader  to 
hold  in  chronological  relation  the  stages  of  thought 
that  we  are  trying  to  grasp. 

The  last  great  Assyrian  Emperor,  Assurbanipal, 

ruled  from B.C.  668-626. 

The  Scythians  poured  south  over  Media,  Nin- 
eveh, and  Syria  to  Egypt  from 640-630. 

Josiah  was  king  and  in  his  minority 640-627. 

He  reigned  until 609. 

Nahum  preached 640  onward. 

Zephaniah  preached 630  onward. 

Jeremiah  preached 627-588, 

i.e.f  40  years. 

The  empire   of    Babylon  was  established   by 

Nabopolassar 624. 

Nineveh  was  destroyed  about 610. 

Pharaoh    Necho    marched    north    and    Josiah 

opposed  him  and  fell 609. 

Jehoahaz,  or  Shallum,  his  son,  succeeded  him.  609. 

Pharaoh  deposed  this  king  and  appointed  his 

brother  Jehoiakim  as  governor 609-600. 

Pharaoh  Necho  fell  before  Nebuchadnezzar 606-605. 

Nebuchadnezzar    succeeded    Nabopolassar     as 

emperor 605. 

Judah  revolted  from  Babylon 603. 

Jehoiakim  died  and  his  son  Jehoiachin  or  Jeco- 

niah  was  made  king 600. 

Jerusalem  fell  before  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  the 
king  with  *' 10,000  best"  were  carried 
away 599. 

Zedekiah,  son  of  Josiah,  reigned 599-588. 

Ezekiel  appeared  as  preacher  in  Babylon 594. 

Jeremiah  disappeared 587. ' 

■  Several  of  these  dates  are  only  closely  approximate,  the  data 
necessary  for  their  exact  determination  are  not  at  liand. — [Craig.] 


166      POLITICAL    KEOllGANISATION   IN   JUDAII 

We  turn  now  to  an  analytical  account  of  Jeremiah's 
discourses. 

At  the  outset  we  meet  a  singular  fact.  We  possess 
two  different  editions  of  the  book  and  both  are  in 
much  disorder.  Our  English  version  follows  the 
Hebrew  text.  But  a  cursory  glance  Avill  show  that  the 
sermons  are  not  arranged  there  chronologically.  The 
reader  finds  passages  dating  from  Josiah's  reign,  627- 
609  B.C.,  followed  by  passages  dating  from  the  latest 
years  of  the  reign  of  Zedekiah,  599-588.  Thus,  e.g., 
we  find  cli.  xxi.  dated  under  Zedekiah;  we  turn  a  page 
and  ch.  xxii.  speaks  of  Jehoahaz  who  reigned  a  few 
months  in  609  and  then  was  exiled,  and  of  Jehoiakim 
who  reigned  609  to  600  as  both  still  active.  It  seems 
then  to  imply  that  Jeconiah  is  ruling,  who  ruled  a  few 
months  in  600-599.  So  ch.  xxiv.  speaks  of  the  cap- 
tivity of  599  as  accomplished  and  Zedekiah  as  ruling, 
i.e.,  599-588.  But  ch.  xxv.  goes  back  to  describe 
what  Jeremiah  preached  in  the  fourth  year  of  Jehoia- 
kim, 605  ;  while  ch.  xxvi.  goes  farther  back,  even  to 
the  beginning  of  Jehoiakim's  government  in  609. 
So,  too,  ch.  xxvii.  seems  to  do  at  first ;  but  in  the 
middle  of  tlie  chapter  we  are  again  with  Zedekiah. 

Thus  the  Hebrew  text  needs  considerable  rearrange- 
ment to  make  it  a  chronological  picture  of  the  proph- 
et's words  and  Avork.  So,  of  course,  we  must  rear- 
range the  chapters  of  our  English  Bible.  They  all 
show  plainly  that  they  have  been  bundled  together,  as 
it  were,  by  accident.  Here  is  a  clear  case  for  the 
critic  or  student ;  and  indeed  an  easy  problem  for  him. 

But  when  this  rearrangement  is  made  we  shall  not 
then  be  out  of  difficulty.     We  turn  to  the  Septuagint 


THEOLOGY   AND   ETHICS   OF  JEREMIAH        167 

version  made  b}^  the  Jews  dwelling  in  Egypt  from 
300  B.C.  onward,  and  there  w^e  find  a  very  different 
book.  The  Greek  work  is  much  shorter  than  the 
Hebrew^  containing  about  seven-eighths  of  the  utter- 
ances of  the  latter.  And,  furthermore,  the  order  of 
chapters  in  the  two  is  not  at  all  the  same.  Chaps, 
i.-xxiv.  and  lii.  are  numbered  alike  in  both.  Chaps, 
xxv.-xxxii.  in  Greek  do  not  correspond  to  any  contin- 
uous part  of  the  Hebrew.  Chaps,  xxxiii.-li.  in  Greek 
are  nearly  the  same  as  chaps,  xxvi.-xlv.  of  the  Hebrew. 
All  this  has  theological  and  ethical  significance.  It 
throw'S  light  upon  the  religious  mind  of  the  people 
who  first  read  Jeremiah.  It  is  evident  that  the  Jews 
themselves,  both  in  Judea  and  in  Egypt,  felt  free  to 
rearrange  the  oracles  of  the  prophet  if  they  chose,  to 
omit  passages  or  insert  them  according  to  their  idea 
of  their  importance. 

For  an  outline  analysis  and  rearrangement  of  the 
text  in  chronological  order  see  Appendix  IV. 

We  turn  now  to  the  leading  features  of  the  oracles 
and  first  to  those  which  seem  to  have  been  written 
down  in  605  B.C.,  the  fifth  year  of  Jehoiachin.  Ob- 
serve the  importance  of  the  date.  Nineveh,  and  As- 
syria with  it,  had  fallen  in  610  B.C.  before  the  allied 
Babylonians  and  Medes.  At  once  Pharaoh-Necho, 
King  of  Egypt,  marched  away  to  try  to  seize  the  now^ 
vacant  imperial  throne.  King  Josiah  "svent  out  to 
prevent  Pharaoh.  He  was  moved,  partly  perhaps 
by  loyalty  to  his  old  suzerain  Assyria,  partly  no 
doubt  by  his  Deuteronomic  faith.  It  was  just  about 
twelve  years  since  he  and  his  folk  had  covenanted 
to  be  Yahweh's  people  in  a  new,  higher  and  better 


168      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION   IN   JUDAH 

way ;  and  that  way  seemed  to  be  coupled  with  assur- 
ances of  Yahweh's  material  help  to  success  in  earthly 
affairs.  No  doubt  eTosiah  felt  sure  he  would  be  helped 
of  heaven,  and  his  hundreds  would  put  Egypt's  ten 
thousands  to  flight.  He  fought  Egypt  on  the  plain 
of  Megiddo,  a  battle  ever  since  regarded  by  devout 
Jews  as  the  beginning  of  the  final  war  between 
heaven  and  hell,  and  of  the  victory  of  good  over  evil. 
The  last  great  conflict  is  to  be  there,  upon  Ar-Maged- 
don,  as  it  is  called  in  the  Book  of  Kevelation.^  But 
Josiah's  effort  failed  :  he  was  slain  on  this  battlefield. 
Instead  of  his  faith  proving  correct  that  Deuteron- 
omy and  his  reformation  Avere  pledges  of  certain  suc- 
cess he  himself  disappeared,  Pharaoh  seized  Judah, 
deposed  Josiah's  heir  Jehoahaz,  laid  a  heavy  tax  on 
the  people  ^  and  installed  a  prince  of  his  own  choice. 

Jeremiah  was  not  disheartened.  He  predicted 
that  Egypt  would  not  prove  a  match  for  Babylon, 
the  rival  candidate  for  the  world-empire.  And  he 
proved  correct  in  his  expectation ;  for  three  years  later, 
in  606-5  B.C.,  the  two  claimants  met  and  fought  out 
the  decisive  conflict  at  Carchemish  in  the  northwest- 
ern regions  of  the  Euphrates,  and  Egypt  fell.  The 
Nile  was  henceforth  a  dependency  of  the  Euphrates 
for  three  hundred  years. 

Jeremiah  had  eyes  to  see  the  reality  of  things. 
Egypt  was  unfit  for  the  conflict.  No  wonder  that  the 
prophet  now  became  a  popular  man  in  606  B.C.    He 

>  Rev.  xvi.  16. 

2  About  £50,000  or  .$250,000.  2  Kings  xxiii.  33.  Tlie  little 
country  so  taxed  was  about  forty  miles  square,  and  not  fertile. 
Perhaps  the  narrator  is  exaggerating. 


THEOLOGY    AND   ETHICS    OF   JEREMIAH       169 

says  lie  had  been  very  timid  as  a  lad,  but  surely  Yah- 
weli  had  inspired  him  to  preach  against  princes  and 
peoples  and  would  be  with  him  to  deliver  him.  His 
words  began  to  be  prized  and  a  collection  was  made 
of  reminiscences  of  what  he  had  been  preaching  for 
the  past  twenty-two  years.  This  collection  included 
probably  most  of  Avhat  we  have  in  the  groups  marked 
I,  a,  b,  c,  d,  in  our  Appendix  IV. 

Of  these  passages,  ch.  i.  contains,  besides  what  we 
have  described,  one  feature  which  is  of  first  importance 
in  the  story  of  Hebrew  theology.  The  preacher  be- 
lieves in  a  divine  care  for  himself  individually.  Here 
is  the  first  of  a  series  of  great  advances  that  Jeremiah 
made.  Isaiah  had  held  up  as  a  symbol  of  his  high- 
est faith  the  name  Immanu-El,  which  means  "  there 
is  a  deity  with  us."  Isaiah  still  stood  on  the  elder 
side  of  the  border  line  between  highest  religious  val- 
uation of  the  community,  the  clan-blood,  and  highest 
religious  valuation  of  the  individual,  the  soul.  Jere- 
miah was  on  the  younger  side  of  the  line.  He  pro- 
claimed the  new  era.  No  wonder  if  we  find  other 
great  advances  in  his  own  work,  and  greater  advances 
still  just  after  him  in  men  that  he  inspired. 

The  second  set  of  passages,  chaps,  ii.-vi.,  belong 
nearly  to  one  date,  and  stand,  probably,  pretty  nearly 
in  their  original  order.  Their  notable  characteris- 
tics are  : 

Their  dependence  on  Hosea  in  their  appeals  to  the 
lessons  of  the  youthful  days  of  the  Hebrews  ;  also  in 
their  condemnations  of  unchastity ;  in  their  desire  to 
do  away  with  all  idea  of  Yahweh  as  one  of  the  haal 
deities,  i.e.,  a  source  of  agricultural  blessings ;  and, 


170      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION   IN   JUDAH 

fiuall}^,  in  their  polemic  against  many  sanctuaries. 
The  tenderness  of  Jeremiah  is  also  that  of  Hosea 
over  again. 

The  group  is  full  of  echoes  of  the  noise  of  the  ter- 
rible Scythians. 

The  discourses  plead  for  the  Deuteronomic  plan 
of  Josiah.  See  especially  iii.  14,  and  v.  17 ;  if  it  is 
genuine,  Zion  towers  up  as  the  one  sanctuary. 

The  preacher  goes  so  far  in  ch.  iii.  16  as  to  decry  the 
"  ark,"  the  old  casket  in  which  the  sacred  slabs  from 
Horeb  or  Sinai  were  preserved.  Evidently  the  slabs 
and  casket  used  to  journey  about  from  place  to  place. 
That  was  indeed  a  unifying  factor,  but  it  is  now  to 
be  superseded. 

The  discourses  of  the  next  group  are  more  severe. 
And  first  we  find  chaps,  xi.,  xii.,  xviii.  In  these  we 
discover  the  words  on  which  the  wonderful  hymn  of 
Isaiah  liii.  is  based.  Jeremiah  was  led  as  a  sheep  to 
the  slaughter.  Men  thought  to  cut  him  off  from  life 
and  remembrance.  He  had  doubtless  gone  all  about 
the  land  preaching  the  gospel  of  the  new  Deutero- 
nomic covenant,  as  Cheyne  points  out ;  and  this  would 
be  resented  by  the  lovers  of  the  old  sanctuaries.  So 
the  men  of  Anathoth,  his  own  home,  and  an  old 
sanctuary,  were  especially  vicious  against  him.  Jere- 
miah was,  of  course,  doing  damage  to  their  interests. 
But  the  passages  show  that  the  prophet  himself  could 
be  cruel  in  cursing. 

In  xviii.  we  see  another  of  Jeremiah's  advances, 
based  indeed  on  Hosea.  He  loves  to  study  the  mind. 
Certainly  he  is  a  man  of  his  time,  and  has  an  almost 
Mohammedan  belief  in  Fate.     But  he  begins  to  ask 


THEOLOGY   AND   ETHICS   OF  JEREMIAH        171 

what  will  is.  Thus  he  makes  notable  psychological 
advances. 

Passing  to  chaps,  vii.-x.  we  see  how  his  thinking 
leads  him  forward.  He  rises  now  above  and  away 
from  the  Deuteronomic  faith.  He  declares  :  "  We 
have  believed  that  this  temple  in  Zion  was  to  be  the 
one  place  where  Yahweli  would  surely  meet  with  us. 
That  is  false  !  "  Astounding  utterance  !  Jeremiah 
proceeds  to  argue  the  question.  He  says,  "  You  be- 
lieve you  may  chant  :  '  Here  we  are  safe,  free  to  do 
after  our  own  heart's  pleasure.'  Your  pleasure  is  to 
steal  and  murder  and  be  impure.  All  this  and  much 
more  jou  do  is  utterly  unlike  Yahweh's  way.  He  is 
not  here.  He  will  avenge  your  insult."  He  adds 
another  claim  that  is  as  startling.  "  We  believed 
that  we  were  commanded  to  sacrifice,  that  is,  to  hold 
joyful  feasts  of  flesh  in  family  circles  gathered  about 
this  sanctuary.  We  loere  not  commanded  to  sacrijice, 
but  to  listen  to  Yahweh's  voice.  And  that  voice  in 
all  his  prophets  says,  '  Be  just  and  kind,  like  Yah- 
weh.' " 

Thus  Jeremiah's  third  great  advance  was  a  crit- 
icism of  the  Deuteronomic  reformation.  He  declares 
that  the  reformation  has  not  made  them  good  and 
Yahweh-like :  therefore,  they  are  not  safe  from  inva- 
sion and  oppression. 

The  next  group  opens  in  605  B.C.  with  ch.  xxv.  and 
immediately  proves  the  prophet's  readiness  to  turn 
quite  away  from  a  former  position  when  new  occa- 
sions arise.  All  along  he  had  been  condemning  co- 
quetting with  Egypt.  But  now  Egypt  has  falleii  ; 
Babylon  is  mistress,  as  Jeremiah  had  expected,  and 


172      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION   IN  JUDAH 

she  is  to  be  feared.  Therefore  Jeremiah  preaches 
comfort  against  this  new  anxiety.  This  new  Babylo- 
nian empire  is  not  God,  nor  will  it  stand  forever. 
Yahweh  will  by  and  by  give  Babylon  the  cup  of  ruin 
to  drink,  although  now  she  is  to  be  supreme  for  a 
season.  This  is  followed  in  due  order,  by  chaps,  xlvi.- 
xlix.,  picturing  the  lot  of  all  the  peoples  that  dwelt 
around  Judah. 

Yery  little  need  be  said  now  about  all  that  remains 
of  the  book.  For  all  that  is  left  occupied  only  about 
seventeen  years,  i.e.,  a  shorter  space  of  time  than 
the  former  portion  which  occupied  about  twenty-two. 
And  the  remaining  thirtj^-three  chapters  are  for  our 
purposes  of  less  moment  than  the  nineteen  chapters 
already  considered.  The  utterances  in  the  years  of 
unpopularity  are  naturally  enough  the  best. 

Of  the  second  subdivision  defined  in  the  Appendix 
we  must  mention  these  passages. 

Chaps,  xiv.-xvii.,  amid  which,  in  the  lament  over 
drought,  there  is  a  remarkable  bit  of  theologising 
concerning  the  meaning  of  the  divine  name  Yahweh. 
See  especially  xiv.  7,  9,  21  f.,  where  Jeremiah  pretty 
clearly  implies  a  belief  that  the  name  means  "  He 
who  causes  the  rain  to  fall."  Ch.  xv.  pictures  Moses 
aiid  Samuel  as  pre-eminently  men  of  prayer.  Ch. 
xvi.  is  the  first  passage  Avhere  we  find  a  saying  used 
by  Jeremiah  and  then  copied  a  great  number  of 
times  by  Ezekiel,  namely :  All  events  and  experi- 
ences in  Hebrew  story  are  to  come  to  pass  to  the  end 
that  men  may  hioiv  the  character  of  the  god  of  the  He- 
bretvs,  or,  "  that  they  may  know  that  he  is  Yahweh." 
Ch.  xvii.  contains  more  studies  of  "  the  will";  also  a 


THEOLOGY   AND   ETHICS   OF   JEREMIAH        173 

beautiful  utterance  of  prayer.  Another  study  of  "  tbe 
will  "  is  given  in  cli.  xiii.  dating  probably  under 
Jeconiali,  in  the  parable  of  the  girdle  that  rotted.  A 
fatalistic  persistence  of  character  is  asserted  in  the 
well-known  saying,  *'  Can  an  Ethiopian  change  his 
skin  or  a  leopard  his  spots?  " 

In  the  utterances  under  King  Zedekiah,  from  599- 
588,  there  appears  one  more  of  the  prophet's  notable 
advances.  He  declares  his  firm  belief  that  Yahweh 
has  ordained  Babylon  to  be  for  a  time  the  supreme 
governing  state.  He  holds  that,  therefore,  it  is  the 
duty  of  Judah,  in  obedience  to  Yahweh,  to  accept  this 
providential  plan,  and  to  submit  to  be  a  province  of 
the  Empire.  Moreover,  the  Hebrews,  or  we  may  now 
say  Jews,  or  Judahites,  are  bound  to  be  faithful  to 
their  Babylonian  masters  even  in  slavery.  The  slaves 
are  to  pray  for  blessing  on  their  foreign  lords.  The 
prophet  is  startlingiy  practical ;  he  arranges  and  in- 
vests his  possessions  and  buys  lands,  certain  that  to 
do  so  under  this  Babylonian  overlordship  is  perfectly 
safe.  This  is  Jeremiah's  fourth  and  final  advance 
in  belief.  In  chaps,  xx.-xxiv.  and  xxxii.  f.  we  read 
how  sorely  Jeremiah  was  persecuted  for  this  new  faith 
of  his. 

When  this  city  was  taken,  and  so  many  were  sent 
away  into  slavery,  the  prophet  was  offered  his  choice, 
either  to  go  in  the  comfortable  protection  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief to  a  safe  home  in  Babylon,  or  to  stay 
in  Judah  with  the  feeble  few  who  were  left,  "  the  poor 
who  had  nothing."  He  chose  the  latter,  and  sought 
to  cheer  them  and  guide  them.  But  even  they  turned 
on  him,  reviled  him,  and  carried  him  away  to  share 


174      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION   IN   JUDAH 

iu  tlie  delta  of  the  Nile  the  worst  evils  he  had  pre- 
dicted. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  collect  Jeremiah's  theological 
aud  ethical  opinions  here  under  a  separate  rubric  ; 
they  are  sufficiently  indicated  for  our  purpose.  We 
will  only  set  down  together  the  four  stages  of  ad- 
vance which  Jeremiah  made  :  these  form  an  excellent 
summary  of  his  faith. 

He  advanced  from  the  faith  that  Yaliweh  was  with 
the  nation,  to  the  faith  that  Yaliweh  was  with  him 
Jeremiah  as  an  individual.  Yaliweh  cares,  said  he, 
for  men  individually. 

His  second  advance  is  that  he  finds  the  study  of 
the  mind,  the  will  and  the  feelings  of  high  import- 
ance in  his  efforts  to  understand  duty  and  to  teach 
his  people.^ 

He  rises  in  his  third  advance  above  and  beyond 
the  Deuteronomic  or  Josian  faith  in  Zion,  the  one 
sanctuary. 

He  advances  again  and  gives  up  faith  in  the  in- 
dependence of  Judah  and  preaches  submission  to 
Babylon,  urging  King  Zedekiah  to  go  out  to  the  gen- 
erals of  Nebuchadnezzar  and  yield  himself  to  them. 

We  might  say  that  Jeremiah's  whole  theology  and 
ethics  were  summed  up  in  the  phrase :  constant  ad- 
vance for  the  individual,  the  state,  and  the  world 
under  the  personal  inspiration  and  protection  of 
Yahweh. 

^  According  to  the  Hebrew  ideas  the  heart  is  the  seat  of  the  mind., 
the  bowels  the  seat  of  the  feelings^  and  the  kidneys^  or  reins^  the 
seat  of  the  will. 


CHAPTEE  y 

THE  NEAK  SEQUEL  OF  THE  REFORMATION  :  ITS  THEOL- 
OGY AND  ETHICS  AS  SEEN  IN  HABAKKUK,  OBADIAH,  AND 
IN  INCIPIENT   INTEREST   IN   ZION,    LAW,    AND   PSALMODY 

Habakkuk's  short  book  illustrates  well  the  condi- 
tions and  the  movement  of  thought  about  the  year 
600  B.C.,  when  Jeremiah  had  almost  finished  his 
efforts  to  lift  men  above  the  level  they  had  reached 
when  they  accepted  the  covenant  of  the  Deutero- 
nomic  reformation. 

The  chief  features  of  Habakkuk's  work  are  : 

His  readiness  to  advance  with  and  beyond  his  fel- 
lows ;  add  to  this  his  intensely  moral  attitude.  In 
every  line  he  cries  out  for  honesty.  He  does  not 
quote  or  even  refer  to  the  Decalogue,  but  he  is  of 
the  same  mind  with  it  in  denouncing  men  and  na- 
tions w^ho  steal  and  rob,  who  are  self-centred,  greedy, 
who  are  bloody,  who  worship  gods  that  favour  such 
conduct.  Yahweh  is  the  only  god,  Habakkuk  de- 
clares, who  exalts  righteousness  as  first  and  best. 
And  yet  this  preacher  upholds  decidedly  a  doctrine 
of  material  reward  and  punishment.  The  trust- 
worthy man  in  blessing  others  is  himself  blessed 
with  life  and  joy.  He  it  is  who  shall  live,  while  the 
cruel  man  is  a  fool  and  falls. 

Manifestly  now  also  the  uses  of  the  pen  are  becom- 
ing  apparent.     Habakkuk  declares   this   to   be  the 

175 


176      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION   IN   JUDAH 

wise  and  sure  way  to  accomplish  his  prophetic  task. 
We  may  expect  much  literature  henceforth,  albeit 
of  the  true  Semitic  sort.  And  so  we  find  that  a  Deu- 
teronomic  school  was  busy  in  these  years  re-editing 
in  the  usual  patchwork  style  the  scattered  docu- 
ments of  earlier  days.  There  was  constructed  about 
this  time,  or  not  much  later,  the  main  substance  of  the 
books  of  Genesis,  etc.,  down  to  Judges,  and  Samuel 
and  of  Kings,  excepting  that  later  editing  and  altera- 
tion which  was  wrought  by  the  Levitical  or  Priestly 
school  (P)  in  the  fifth  and  fourth  centuries  B.C. 

Another  characteristic  is  the  acceptance  of  the 
plan  of  one  sanctuary.  God  came  from  Teman, 
from  Sinai  away  in  the  south,  says  Habakkuk  ;  but 
his  abode  now  is  in  his  holy  temple,  i.e.,  in  Zion. 
The  exaltation  of  Zion  begins  now  and  the  use  of  the 
word  as  almost  synonymous  with  the  abode  of  Yah- 
weh  begins  at  this  date  to  be  characteristic. 

And  one  more  feature  characteristic  of  our  prophet 
is  his  Psalm.  Budde's  judgment  (Art.  Habakkuk,  in 
the  Encyc.  Bibl.)  is  doubtless  correct  respecting  the 
opening  verses,  and  perhaps  also  concerning  the 
close  of  the  song.  But  his  criticism  fails  to  distin- 
guish these  portions  from  the  core  of  the  lyric,  which 
seems  attributable  to  the  time  of  Habakkuk.  The 
claim  that  the  "  Anointed,"  vs.  13,  means  the  people, 
and  is  therefore  a  mark  of  the  late  Jewish  days,  is 
strained  and  hardly  tenable.  The  occurrence  of  regu- 
lar lyrics  in  a  work  by  Habakkuk  prepares  us  for  the 
nobler  song  in  deutero-Isaiah,  especially  in  chaps, 
xlii.,  xlix.,  1.,  liii. ;  and  here  we  reach  the  important 
suggestion  that  the  erection  of  the  one  central  sane- 


THE   NEAR   SEQUEL   OF   THE   REFORMATION      177 

tiiary  with  the  establishment  of  its  guild  of  ministers, 
very  naturally  encouraged  song  in  worship. 

To  this  we  must  add  that  Habakkuk  possesses  a 
profound  faith  in  the  devotion  and  love  of  Yahweh. 
This  pervades  all  he  says,  even  if  the  fine  utterance 
be  not  his,  which  is  paraphrased  so  well : 

•*  What  though  no  flowers  the  fig-tree  clothe, 
Though  vines  their  fruit  deny. 
The  labour  of  the  olive  fail, 
And  fields  no  meat  supply  ? 

'*  Yet  in  the  Lord  will  I  be  glad, 
And  glory  in  His  love  ; 
In  Him  I'll  joy,  who  will  the  God 
Of  my  salvation  prove. " 

We  may  expect  such  faith  in  the  Unseen  from  the 
companion  of  Jeremiah :  and  such  men  were  sure 
to  inspire  to  activity  such  successors  as  we  shall  find 
in  the  Exile  a  little  later. 

We  may  therefore  reasonably  regard  these  things 
as  the  fruits  of  the  reformation,  viz. :  the  confirma- 
tion of  a  higher  moral  tone  ;  deeper  grasp  of  the 
unseen  as  real ;  the  centralisation  of  religious  thought 
around  Zion ;  the  beginnings  of  psalmody ;  and  much 
use  of  the  pen. 

The  book  of  Obadiah  is  possibly  a  product  of  these 
times  or  not  long  after.  It  is  a  reflection  on  the  cer- 
tainty of  a  speedy  nemesis  upon  a  cruel  people. 
Edom  has  been  suffering  at  the  hands  of  Arab  invad- 
ers ;  but  Edom  had  inflicted  like  suffering  before  upon 
Judah.  The  most  interesting  feature  for  us  is  the 
writer's  pleasure  in  this  study  of  such  a  doctrine  of 


178      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION   IN   JUDAH 

retribution.  It  hints  at  the  coming  of  the  "Job" 
cyclus  of  writers. 

These  simple  Hebrews  were  steadily  advancing. 
Their  high  morality  and  faith  in  God's  nearness  and 
love  compel  us  to  set  them  high  among  the  ideal 
leaders  of  the  race.  With  startling  fearlessness  these 
men  moved  from  faith  to  faith,  from  theology  to  the- 
ology. They  were  not  devotees  of  century-old  sys- 
tems and  symbols.  They  give  no  support  to  the 
common  fancy  that  the  theology  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, from  Genesis  to  Malachi,  is  one  unvarying,  har- 
monious set  of  ideas  concerning  God,  and  man,  and 
duty.     Their  teaching  proves  exactly  the  opposite. 

But  now  we  must  add  that  the  years  around  600 
B.C.  were  a  time  of  formulation  of  theories  concern- 
ing duty.  It  is  impossible  here  to  detail  the  evi- 
dence that  code  after  code  of  rules,  prescriptions, 
statutes,  was  written  and  published.  We  have  seen 
some  of  this  movement  in  our  study  of  Deuteron- 
omy :  more  will  come  before  us  presently.  The  lan- 
guage becomes  enriched,  shall  we  say,  at  this  date 
by  such  words  as  ph  (choq)  "  statute."  ^  We  are  quite 
safe  in  attributing  to  the  periods  following  the  refor- 
mation any  literature  in  which  this  word  "  statute  " 
and  the  like  are  characteristic.  The  year  622  B.C., 
is  clearly  the  terminus  a  quo  for  such  words.  We 
are  entering  the  "  law  "  times  of  Hebrew  history. 

It  is  quite  correct  to  attribute  to  this  period  the 

1  It  should  be  observed  that  this  word  choq  is  the  proper  Hebrew 
terra  for  "  law,"  whereas  the  word  "  Torah,"  commonly  rendered 
"  law,"  does  not  mean  law  at  all,  but  is  exactly  equivalent  to 
^'teaching,"  or  ''  doctrine,"  or  "  theory." 


THE   NEAR   SEQUEL   OF   THE    REFORMATION      179 

definite  crystallisation  of  methods  for  economic  and 
social  betterment.  One  of  the  worst  evils  that  the 
great  prophets  of  800  to  700  B.C.  denounced  was 
robbery  of  landed  rights  from  the  poorer  class  by  the 
more  powerful.  Deuteronomy  aims  plainly  at  set- 
ting this  right,  and  Jeremiah  comments  strongly  on 
this  aim  and  its  justice.^  This  economic  movement 
remained  strong  for  many  a  day  ;  the  problem  was  a 
hard  one,  but  thoughtful  men  kept  brooding  over  it, 
and  publishing  ever  new  proposals  for  its  solution. 

But  all  these  lines  of  light  lead  to  one  focus,  which 
has  been  ably  explained  by  the  late  W.  Robertson 
Smith,  in  his  work  on  the  "  Eeligion  of  the  Semites." 
He  describes  the  earlier  Semitic  religions  as  possible 
only  among  fairly  prosperous  peoples.  As  we  have 
seen  their  cult  consisted  almost  entirely  of  the  joyful 
feast  of  flesh  where  the  whole  clan  met,  and  the 
god  of  the  clan  had  his  share.  The  god  would  be 
at  peace  with  such  a  clan.  Was  it  not  he  who  caused 
all  their  joy  because  of  his  satisfaction  with  them  ? 
The  sorrow  befalling  any  individual  was  passed  by 
lightly  in  the  faith  that  this  would  soon  be  exchanged 
for  a  brighter  share  in  the  common  gladness.  The 
moral  sense  had  not  become  awake  and  quick  :  there 
was  little  of  the  feeling  that  goodness  was  itself 
happiness.  There  was  no  brooding  consciousness 
of  sin. 

But  when  the  era  of  prosperity  began  to  wane,  and 

great   world-empires   crushed    the   lesser   states  by 

wars,  slaughters,  fire,  and  heavy  tribute,  then  there 

began  the  selfish  clutching  by  the  more  powerful  at 

'  See  Jer.  xxxiv.  9  ff.    A  record  of  Baruch  concerning  Jeremiah. 


180      POLITICAL   REORGANISATION    IN  JUDAH 

the  little  stores  of  the  poor.  Some  lost  all  confi- 
dence in  the  protection  of  the  deity  ;  they  played 
with  the  gods  of  other  peoples  for  a  while,  but  in  the 
end  grew  reckless.  Some  tried  by  secret  magic  arts 
to  awaken  mysterious  powers,  or  some  deities  long 
forgotten  and  as  it  were  asleep,  grew  gloomy,  afraid 
that  their  deity  was  altogether  hard  and  stern  at 
heart;  and  they  tried  all  manner  of  severe  self-deny- 
ing ordinances  in  the  hope  of  apj)easing  him. 

Both  these  attitudes  aroused  the  prophets.  The 
former  godless,  selfish  conduct  was  what  the  great 
moral  preachers  of  the  eighth  century  attacked.  The 
other  gloomy  attitude  took  definite  form  in  the  efforts 
of  the  Deuteronomists,  and  against  the  exaggerations 
of  these  Jeremiah  strove.  He  shared  indeed  largely 
the  spirit  of  the  Deuteronomists,  and  so  did  all  the 
nobler  of  the  people.  The  chief  faith  that  there  must 
be  some  Statutes  to  which  Yahweh  demanded  obedi- 
ence, some  conduct  pleasing  to  him,  was  very  naturally 
accepted.  Hebrew  religion  of  the  early,  naive  sort  had 
passed  away  and  the  strong,  moral  demand  of  the 
prophets  was  also  becoming  a  thing  of  the  past.  A 
new  religion  of  "  performances  "  was  born  ;  but  this 
may  not  correctly  be  called  Hebraism ;  the  name 
Judaism  is  better,  because  it  was  the  religion  of 
Judah,  the  only  survivor  of  the  old  Hebrew  peoples. 

Our  study  of  Hebrew  theology  and  ethics  might 
end  here,  but  for  two  reasons :  (1)  There  burst 
from  the  passing  Hebraism  its  very  finest  blossom 
and  fruit,  as  we  shall  now  see  in  the  story  of  the 
earlier  years  of  Exile :  (2)  Even  the  later  Judaism 
was  the  child  and  heir  of  Hebraism. 


PART  VI 

RELIGION  AND   ETHICS   IN   THE   EXILE 

500  B.C.,  ONWARD 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  EXILES   AND  THEIR  PROBLEM 

When  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  new  world's  Emperor, 
destroyed  Zion  and  enslaved  its  worshippers,  thought- 
ful men  seem  to  have  turned  to  face  the  question. 
How  can  such  things  be  ?  Why  does  Yahweh  deal 
thus?  The  question  requires  that  we  remember 
who  were  these  people  who  went  into  Exile.  In  the 
first  deportation  went  ten  thousand  men  of  rank, 
sheiks  and  religious  officers  and  skilled  workmen. 
In  the  second  went  thousands  more,  all  save  the  very 
poor.  Behind  was  left  Zion,  the  only  door,  as  they 
thought,  to  YahAveh's  presence,  and  all  else  that  might 
make  life  even  possible.  Before  them  was  enslave- 
ment and  prison.  Despair  and  rebellion  ruled  within 
as  they  trod  the  weary  thousand  miles  from  Jerusalem 
to  Babylon.  But  some  there  were  who  knew  a  song 
a  prophet  had  written  a  century  before,  and  that 
Micah-song  they  would  sing  now : 

"  When  I  fall,  I  shall  arise : 
Now,  even  now ! 
When  I  sit  in  darkness, 
Yahweh  is  a  light  about  me  !  " 
181 


182        RELIGION   AND    ETHICS   IN   THE   EXILE 

There  were  other  words  that  some  knew,  for  just  as 
exile  days  drew  near,  Habakkuk  had  chanted, 

**  Yet  will  I  rejoice  in  Yahweh. 
I  will  joy  in  my  God, 
Who  is  a  saviour." 

If  we  would  understand  the  exiles,  we  must  re- 
member these  songs  of  their  fathers,  also  the  hopes 
and  the  warnings  of  the  old  prophets  who  had  been 
the  conscience  and  heart  of  the  people  for  generations 
past.  Many  a  child  born  in  that  exile  grew  to  be  an 
old  man  or  aged  mother  and  never  saw  the  sacred 
soil.  But  they  were  all  children  of  a  far-away  land 
and  a  far  past  time ;  hidden  tendrils  within  their 
souls  reached  out  to  an  absent  fatherland,  to  absent 
fathers'  graves,  to  lost  sanctuaries  and  lost  joys. 
All  these  were  a  very  part  of  themselves. 

What  had  those  joys  been?  What  had  called 
them  forth  ?  The  picture  of  all  this  is  in  our  hands 
in  the  words  of  the  older  Hebrew  writers.  The 
people  had  been  enslaved  in  another  foreign  land, 
Egypt,  long  before ;  but  once  delivered  from  that, 
they  rose  to  be  a  fairly  well-knit  nation.  High 
hopes  grew,  rich  possessions  accumulated  ;  with  these 
wrongs  multiplied,  also,  as  to-day.  With  social  good 
sprang  social  ills,  as  always.  Then,  as  now,  the  voice 
of  God,  in  the  conscience  of  great  preachers,  con- 
demned the  wrongs,  and  the  voice  of  the  preacher 
was  always  an  uttered  thought  of  the  nation.  "  Where 
shall  we  find  God  that  Ave  may  live  ?  " 

Was  it  any  wonder  that  men  looked  toward  the 
sanctuaries?      It  was  there  they  had  been  glad  in 


THE   EXILES   AND   THEIR   PROBLEM  183 

soul  around  their  festive  meal,  with  the  natural  sense 
of  satisfied  needs,  and  of  the  goodness  of  the  Unseen 
who  gave  food  and  life.  So,  in  the  sanctuaries  men 
bowed,  listening  for  words  of  help.  Then,  when  in 
course  of  time,  the  nation  was  led  to  centralise  all 
the  order  of  society  and  government,  we  are  not  sur- 
prised that  this  was  done  around  one  central  sanc- 
tuary. 

All  men  were  to  submit  to  definite  duties  and  to 
statutory  tasks  ;  and  so  definite  law  began  to  be 
valued  and  recorded.  It  was  believed  that  subordi- 
nation of  all  things  under  the  control  of  one  sanctu- 
ary, with  careful  definition  of  duties,  would  bring 
temporal  good  and  spiritual  benefits  to  all.  So  people 
and  priests,  preachers  and  prince  covenanted  to  make 
Zion  sole  and  supreme  in  worship  and  law.  They 
believed  that  this  was  a  solemn  covenant  made  by 
Yahweh  with  Judah,  and  that  now  all  was  well.  Such 
was  the  faith  expressed  by  Josiah's  reformation  about 
622  B.C.,  a  score  of  years  before  the  Exile. 

That  reformation  did  not  prove  to  be  a  success. 
The  poor  still  sufi'ered  and  the  powerful  acquired 
more  power.  Men  were  learning  to  curse  God  in 
their  hearts,  while  even  king's  sons  and  sheiks,  priests 
and  prophets,  were  waxing  more  careless  in  selfish- 
ness and  formalism.  To  Jeremiah  the  conditions 
seemed  even  worse  than  before  the  reformation,  be- 
cause less  truthful. 

We  are  apt  to  conclude  that  the  Exile  was  a  judg- 
ment on  these  wrongdoings.  The  lashing  scourge 
of  Jeremiah's  preaching  seems  to  lend  confirmation 
to  this  opinion.     But  Jeremiah  suffered  worse  than 


184        RELIGION   AND   ETHICS  IN   THE   EXILE 

many  another.  Was  lie  a  worse  man  than  those? 
The  exile  came  on  the  righteous,  as  well  as  on  the 
unrighteous.  Nay  more,  there  was  growing  up  a  be- 
lief that  just  those  who  were  bowed  down  with  suf- 
fering were  the  righteous  people.  ZejDhaniah  had 
taught,  as  we  saw,  that  it  was  best  to  seek  to  be 
bowed  down,  for  the  sufferers  were  the  real  people  of 
Yahweh.  But  even  those  who  leaned  toward  this  view 
must  have  hesitated  to  say  that  slavery  was  a  sign  of 
righteousness.  And  yet  the  other  horn  of  the  dilem- 
ma was  as  distinct  and  inevitable :  the  suffering  was 
settling  down  upon  all,  and  the  best  men  were  suf- 
fering most.  Was  suffering  the  mark  of  good  men, 
and  should  they  accept  it  as  a  pleasure  ?  Or,  was 
suffering  the  mark  of  bad  men,  and  a  sign  that  the 
sufferer  had  sinned  ?  Either  way  was  hard  to  choose. 
So  men  were  driven  more  than  ever  to  seek  a  solution 
of  this  problem,  the  problem  of  the  exile,  the  prob- 
lem of  suffering,  and  chiefly  the  suffering  of  good 
men.  What  revelation  was  coming  to  answer  this 
hard  problem?  What  revelation  did  come  in  that 
exile  ? 

Let  us  not  pass  this  eve  of  the  exile  without  noting 
again  one  practical  truth  then  discovered,  and  pro- 
claimed by  Jeremiah  when  he  counselled  submission 
to  Nebuchadnezzar  as  the  will  of  Yahweh.  What  an 
outrage  on  the  old  pious  belief,  and  respectable,  or- 
ganised self-esteem  !  Jeremiah  spoke  his  own  doom  ; 
but  will  anyone  now  question  his  statesmanship  ? 
He  and  men  of  like  mind  were  not  the  only  prophets 
of  those  days  :  they  tell  us  themselves  how  one  Hana- 
niah  and  others  prophesied  against  them  and  were 


THE   EXILES   AND   THEIR  PROBLEM  185 

quite  popular  because  tliej  did  so.  Yet  the  genera- 
tions following  have  preserved  for  us  the  writings  of 
Jeremiah  and  not  those  of  Hananiah.  The  world 
soon  saw  that  Jeremiah  was  the  wiser  man.  And  this 
is  all  the  more  notable  because  there  was  evidently  a 
strong  reaction  against  all  such  prophets  as  Jeremiah, 
indeed,  against  all  whom  we  may  call  the  more 
spiritual. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  EXILIC  LITERATURE 

We  are  singularly  Avell  supplied  with  literature  pro- 
duced by  the  exiles  or  by  men  of  that  time.  The 
residence  in  Babylon  seems  to  have  favoured  the  stu- 
dious, reflecting  and  literary  spirit.  This  was  perfectly 
natural.  Babylon  had  been  a  home  of  literary  men 
for  thousands  of  years.  And  there  might  be  plenty 
of  opportunity  for  thoughtful  Jews  to  read,  to  think, 
and  to  write,  although  they  were  slaves.  A  proper 
understanding  of  Oriental  slavery  will  show  this  at 
once. 

We  have  a  large  store  of  such  literary  work.  We 
have  it  in  Ezekiel,  also  in  some  chapters  of  the  book 
of  Leviticus,  xvii.-xxvi.,  which  were  written  by  a 
friend  of  Ezekiel,  and  which  seem  to  have  been 
specially  dear  to  the  exiles.  The  Jews  of  Alexander's 
time,  300  B.C.,  attributed  this  part  of  Leviticus  to 
Jeremiah.^     Probably  the  book  of  Job  also  tells  us 

'  See  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  21,  and  compare  with  this  Leviticus  xxy 
4  ff.  and  xxvi.  34  f.,  43.  The  books  of  Chronicles  date,  at  earliest, 
from  Alexander's  time,*  as  is  seen  in  many  references  in  the  books 
to  matters  of  that  date,  e.g.,  names  of  priests,  princes,  and  coins. 
The  words  of  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  21  are,  "  Jeremiah  prophesied  '  The 
land  shall  rest,'"  etc.,  and  these  latter  words  are  to  be  found  only 
in  Lev.  xvii.-xxvi.  He  who  quoted  them  thus  regarded  these 
words  of  Leviticus  as  uttered  in  the  time  of  the  Exile.  Of  course 
he  may  have  been  mistaken,  but  the  evidence  is  nearest  in  date  to 
the  time  of  the  documents  quoted. 

*  Noldoke,  ZATW,  1900,  S.  88  ff.,  maintains  that  Chronicles  were 
not  written  before  the  middle  of  the  second  century.  —  [Craig.] 

186 


THE   EXILIC   LITERATURE  187 

of  the  times  of  the  Exile,  and  the  way  of  thinking 
then;  although  it  is  not  exactly  the  mind  of  a  slave 
in  Babylon,  but  rather  that  of  some  one  who  had  gone 
for  safety,  it  may  be,  into  the  desert  home  of  the  wan- 
dering Arabs. 

Then  that  wonderful  part  of  the  book  of  Isaiah 
beginning  at  chap.  xl.  was  written,  as  all  agree,  for 
the  Exiles.  Indeed,  the  people  of  Alexander's  time 
took  it  for  a  work  of  Jeremiah,  as  we  may  read  in 
2  Chronicles.^ 

There  are  other  books  that  shed  light  on  these 
times,  but  those  we  have  named  are  the  chief.  And, 
unlike  the  pre-exilic  books,  they  were  evidently  writ- 
ten before  they  were  spoken.  Ezekiel  was  even  de- 
termined not  to  speak  at  all,  for  a  while ;  he  after- 
ward drew  up  plans  for  discourse,  for  government, 
and  for  buildings,  and  began  to  wTite.  The  times 
favoured  quiet  reflection.  Perhaps,  indeed,  men  dared 
not  speak  much  aloud,  for  their  slave  masters  were 
at  hand :  and  besides,  they  were  sad,  for  they  were 
wont  to  hang  up  their  harps,  as  one  writes  of  them 
afterward.  They  thought  on  Zion ;  they  were  con- 
tent to  think. 

When  we  turn  to  the  writings,  we  find  that  the  one 
question  that  engages  them  all  is.  Why  do  good  men 
sujBfer  ?  The  different  answers  must  occupy  us  in  the 
following  chapter. 

'  See  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  22  f.,  and  compare  Isa.  xli.  2;  xliv.  28; 
xlv.  1  flf. 


CHAPTEE  III 

THE  ANSWERS  TO   THE  EXILIC  PROBLEM 

1.  Tlie  Answer  of  the  Writers  of  the  Book  of  Job} 

The  chief  writer  seems  satisfied  simply  to  ponder 
on  the  hard  matter.  His  pleasure  is  to  picture  puzzled 
men  and  would-be  wise  ones,  who  cause  only  more  pain 
by  their  conceit,  and  also  the  restless  su£ferer  himself, 
who  gives  up  the  stern  riddle  almost  in  despair. 
The  sufferer  closes  with  a  noble  confession  that  he 
has  not  reached  a  complete  solution,  but  gladly  leaves 
the  mystery  with  Yaliweh,  satisfied  simply  to  possess 
the  faculty  of  reflecting  on  his  ways,  mysterious  as 
they  are. 

It  is  another  writer  who  gives  the  opening  story, 
which  is  much  older  than  the  rest.  It  suggests  its 
answer  by  its  picture  of  the  court  and  councils  of 
heaven.  The  theory  is  that  it  is  necessary  to  the 
very  thoughtfulness  of  heaven  that  a  righteous  man's 
righteousness  be  tested.  The  story  then  goes  on,  with 
finest  dramatic  art,  to  illustrate  the  difficulty  of  per- 
suading men — both  good  and  wise — that  this  theory  of 
testing  is  the   right  one.     The  later   student  of  the 

'  There  were  doubtless  more  writers  than  one.  The  book,  as  it 
lies  before  us,  is  the  answers  of  several  men  woven  together.  The 
best  possible  view,  so  far,  of  these  elements  and  their  interweaving 
seems  that  given  in  Duhm's  recent  Commentary  :  pub'd  by  Mohr, 
Freiburg,  1897. 

188 


ANSWERS   TO   THE  EXILIC   PROBLEM  189 

problem  uses  this  older  story  as  his  basis  iu  the  long 
arguments  that  follow,  setting  forth  this  solution  of 
the  problem,  to  wit :  good  men  suffer  to  the  end  that 
current  wrong  theories  of  suffering  may  be  over- 
thrown. Several  of  such  mistaken  theories  are  de- 
molished ;  especially  the  common  arguments  of  Eli- 
phaz,  Bildad,  and  Zophar,  that  Job  must  have  sinned. 
In  the  end  of  the  book  the  first  writer  and  his  pict- 
ure reappear,  and  we  have  another  solution.  There 
will  come,  says  this  theory,  a  time  when  the  present 
troubles  shall  all  have  passed  away  and  the  sufferers, 
Job  and  all  like  him,  shall  have  more  joys  than  they 
ever  had  before.  None  the  less  do  all  the  discussions 
leave  the  problem  in  the  last  analysis  of  it  unsolved. 

2.  The  Ansiver  of  the  "  Holiness  Laiu.'' 

The  little  book  incorporated  in  the  Torah,  at  Leviti- 
cus xvii.-xxvi.,  has  long  been  left  almost  unread.  But 
it  is  a  document  of  great  worth.  In  its  present  form 
it  is  a  composite  work,  much  of  it  being  Aaronitic 
and  of  the  time  between  the  Exile  and  Alexander. 
But  there  was  a  work  used  in  the  composition  of  it 
which  is  very  certainly  much  earlier,  post-Josian  and 
post-Deuteronomic  indeed,  yet  singularly  analogous 
to  the  work  of  Ezekiel  and  doubtless  related  to  his 
age.  Its  spirit  and  its  language  show  this.^  We 
have  pointed  out  above  one  of  the  very  oldest  theories 

'  It  is  indeed  not  homogeneous,  for  it  incorporates,  e.g.,  in  xviii. 
and  XX,,  documents  which  were  never  written  as  parts  of  one  and 
the  same  continuous  treatise.  They  disregard  each  other  too  much 
for  that. 


190        KELIGION   AND    ETHICS   IN   THE  EXILE 

of  its  origin,  as  given  in  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  21.  Its  writer 
is  a  man  of  noblest  spirit.  The  touch  of  his  heart  on 
a  Hstener  to-day,  although  it  comes  across  long  ages, 
is  like  that  of  the  solemn  words,  "  Go,  and  sin  no 
more." 

He  shared  the  mind  of  men  like  Josiah  and  be- 
lieved tirmly  that  sanctuaries  were  the  way  to  Yah- 
weh.  He  had  grasped  also  the  Reformation  doctrine 
and  taught  that  there  was  only  one  sanctuary  chosen 
of  Yahweh,  and  so  only  that  one  way  to  come  to  him. 
But  this  was  not  enough ;  the  ways  of  Yahweh's  peo- 
ple must  be  strictly  and  devotedly  in  accordance  with 
the  mind  of  the  devoted  Yahweh.  They  must  be  de- 
voted and  holy  to  him  as  he  is  holy  and  devoted  to 
them.  More  still,  all  details  of  duty  at  this  sanctu- 
ary must  be  most  scrupulously  thought  out  and  pre- 
scribed. The  introductory  pleadings  in  ch.  xvii,  and 
the  prolonged  beseechings  of  the'conclusiouinch.  xxvi. 
show  the  man  to  be  one  of  the  most  eager  of  preachers  ; 
his  pamphlet  is  a  sermon,  an  exhortation  born  of  an 
intense  desire  that  is  a  very  agony,  to  have  his  hearers 
do  as  he  advises  them.  And  one  point  of  his  plea  is  as 
plain  as  it  can  be :  "Do  these  things,  for  otherwise 
woe  will  come.  Suffering  comes  on  men  because  they 
do  not  fulfil  all  the  details  of  God's  will."  This  is  his 
solution  of  the  problem  of  pain.  His  ceremonialism  is 
indeed  insufficient  and  narrow ;  we  may  say  he  is  a 
sacerdotalist :  but  his  moral  ideal  is  as  great  as  his 
ceremonialism.  The  two  are  wonderfully  interwoven : 
witness  his  constant  refrain,  "Be  holy,  for  I  your 
god  am  holy."  His  demand  for  honesty,  kindness, 
reverence,  love,  and  purity  is  strikingly  noble.    Jesus 


ANSWERS   TO   THE   EXILIC   PROBLEM  191 

quoted  this  man's  words  as  the  second  great  law  for 
all  life.  "  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself  " 
are  words  taken  from  this  part  of  Leviticus.  A  few 
sentences  after  he  has  laid  down  that  great  duty 
quoted  by  Jesus,  he  goes  back  to  it,  repeats  it  and 
extends  it  to  mean  not  only  one's  countrymen  but 
foreigners  also.  How  quickly  this  Holiness- Writer 
in  Leviticus  steps  away  past  all  forms  that  we  are 
apt  to  suppose  were  canonical  in  his  day !  How  he 
expands,  revises,  reiterates,  and  combines,  if  by  any 
means  he  may  set  up  a  thorough  standard.  This 
swaying  restlessness,  and  anxiety  of  conscience 
mark  a  lofty  spirit  and  an  exalted  age  of  thought. 
Such  an  ethical  spirit  was  born  among  the  men  who 
wrought  the  Deuteronomic  reformation,  who  pro- 
duced Jeremiah  and  who  then  went  into  slavery ! 

But  the  most  startling  mark  of  the  man's  charac- 
ter is  the  greatest  of  all ;  he  is  overwhelmed  with 
the  sense  that  there  must  be  improvement  in  social 
purity.  The  man  who  wrote  down  the  demands  for 
purity  of  blood  in  Lev.  xvii.-xxvi.  must  have  had  dis- 
gusting scenes  around  him,  but  he  was  also  terribly  in 
earnest  to  have  the  home-life  of  this  world  cleansed. 

3.  The  Answer  of  Ezelciel. 

Ezekiel  echoes  the  very  words  of  the  Holiness- 
Book.^  His  treatise  on  the  problem  of  "  The  Suffer- 
ing in  Exile  "  shows  marks  of  the  influence  of  many 
a  teacher.    He  is  one  of  those  strange  paradoxes  that 

1  This  inter-relation  of  the  Holiness-Writer  and  Ezekiel  is  re- 
markably exhibited  in  the  Polychrome  Leviticus  by  Driver  and 
White.     See  pp.  101  f. 


192       RELIGION   AND   ETHICS   IN   THE   EXILE 

are  so  human.  He  seems  on  the  surface  and  by  his 
garb  to  be  only  the  official,  stately,  stiff;  but  he  is 
one  of  the  most  human  of  men,  as  you  see  by  his 
clinging  to  the  great  teachers  of  his  people  in  the 
past  and  constantly  quoting  their  words. 

At  first,  the  degradation  of  this  great  officer  and  his 
company  of  chiefs  in  slavery  embittered  his  spirit.^ 
But,  by  and  by,  as  a  child  who  ceases  to  weep  for- 
gets his  trouble  and  begins  to  sing,  so  this  child-man 
forgets  his  woes  in  splendid  hopes  for  the  days  to 
come.  While  he  sings,  one  would  suppose  at  first 
hearing,  that  he  could  not  or  would  not  chant  any 
theme  save  what  he  had  learned  from  the  fathers ; 
for  even  his  flight  of  soul  to  grasp  a  hope  for  radical 
conversion  of  men  (chapter  xi.)  is  plainly  a  repetition 
of  Jeremiah's  words.  One  is  tempted,  on  reading 
the  earlier  chapters,  to  exclaim,  How  does  formalism 
crush  out  originality,  and  force  its  uniformities !  But 
reading  on  we  find  that  this  priestly  man  can 
burst  out  in  utterances  of  his  own,  which  are  precious 
on  that  account  alone,  although  they  are  not  so  sub- 
lime as  the  other  sayings  which  he  copies  from  the 
fathers.  His  own  loAver-toned  conception  of  conver- 
sion that  appears  in  ch.  xviii.  is  a  valuable  conception 
just  because  it  is  a  personal  utterance  under  the  in- 
fluence of  great  excitement.  The  priest  proves  to  be 
after  all  a  prophet,  who  communes  with  God. 

I  His  earlier  complaints  and  charges  of  sin  are  aimed  mostly  at 
the  people  who  are  still  dwelling  in  Jerusalem.  The  exiles  in  Baby- 
lon, the  "  Golah  "  are  good  ;  the  people  in  Zion  are  bad  !  a  special 
sin  of  these  is  their  secret  magic.  Cf.  W.  li.  Smith,  Rel.  Sem.^ 
pp.  338  f . 


ANSWERS   TO   THE   EXILIC   PROBLEM  193 

As  we  approach  his  solution  of  the  problem,  we 
learn    his    mind    concerning    Josiah's    reformation. 
That,  sa3's  he,  was  never  truly  carried  out :  and  there 
lies  the  explanation  of  our  slavery  and  pain.     Our 
god  demanded  certain  religious  forms ;  we  have  de- 
ceitfully ignored  them.     He  is  angry  at  us  as  default- 
ers.    This  is  the  child's  theory  of  a  god;  but  the 
child  rises  even  to  poetry  of  conception  as  he  writes 
his  systematic  book  to  describe  w^hat  great  increase 
of   ceremonial   arrangements   should  be  made,   and 
what  abimdant  forms  should  be  added  to  all  that 
Josiah  and  his  people  had  undertaken.     It  is  by  a 
new,    and  far  larger  system  of  ceremonies,   thinks 
Ezekiel,  that  Yahw^eh  of  Israel  will  be  certainly  ap- 
peased and  glad  to  return  and  abide  forever  in  the 
new  city.     The  man  becomes  a  sort  of  prophet  in 
his  wealth  of  new  priestly  plans.     And  it  is  to  be 
noted    that   the   prophet-like   and   very  un-priestly 
nature  of  his  communication  wdth  Yahweh  is  sharply 
manifest  in  one  feature.     He  does  not  quote  any 
human  mediator  as  authority  for  his  new  system. 
There  had  been  such  theory  of  a  mediator  very  dis- 
tinctly preached  and  nationally  accepted  at  Josiah's 
reformation  (cf.  Deut.  v.)  ;  there  is  but  little  of  it  in 
Ezekiel.     This  priest  rises  above  priesthood.     It  is 
none  the  less  pathetic  to  come  again  and  again  upon 
the  marks  of  the  man's  humanity  in  its  weakness ; 
but  then  we  always  smile  with  delight  the  next  mo- 
ment, as  we  read  of  his  discoveries  of  help.     For  ex- 
ample, he  says  that  the  sacred  land  is  to  be  again 
the  abode  of  Yahweh  and  his  people.     But  here  he 
stumbles  and  cries,  as  it  were,  "  We,  alas !  we  cannot 


194       RELIGION   AND   ETHICS   IN   THE   EXILE 

get  there."  To  speak  of  an  escape  of  any  sort  from 
the  slaveholders  would  have  been,  no  doubt,  a  serious, 
dangerous  deed.  Ezekiel  does  not  propose  any  fugi- 
tive slave  plan,  by  which  to  escape  from  Babylon. 
Such  high  mission  and  inspiration  were  to  await 
another  mind  and  pen.  Ezekiel  falls  short  here; 
this  is  his  human  feebleness.  But  is  it  not  also 
greatness  to  grasp  at  a  help  that  must  come  out  of 
the  unseen  ?  So  he  cries  ^  "  to  people  the  Holy  Land 
there  must  be  a  resurrection  of  the  dead  who  lie 
there  !  "  This  is  a  lesser  faith  than  that  which  rises 
to  say,  "Our  God  can  overcome  men  and  govern- 
ments, and  deserts,  and  lead  us  back  the  thousand 
miles "  ;  yet  it  is  a  faith  in  an  unseen  being,  who 
works  in  ways  unknown,  and  who  certainly  can  con- 
struct and  create  the  body,  for  he  does  so  every  day. 
Ezekiel  here  rises  to  a  true  prophet's  rank  and  com- 
pels reverence  for  his  theology.  His  ethics  are 
chiefly  ceremonial,  as  we  have  said.  There  were 
efforts  made  to  get  Ezekiel's  book  excluded  from  the 
collections  of  sacred  writings  which  the  later  Jews 
revered ;  the  book  and  the  man  were  much  too  inde- 
pendent, thought  some.  Yet  it  is  there  in  the  collec- 
tion, and  its  answer  to  the  problem  has  been  saved 
for  us.  It  required  independence  to  rise  to  such  a 
task.  A  priest  might  face  it,  but  only  when  he  be- 
came a  prophet,  and  claimed  the  right  and  the  indis- 
pensable liberty   to   receive  the   divine  intimations 

'  See  his  great  theory,  ch.  xxxvii.,  "The  Vision  of  the  Valley 
of  Dry  Bones,"  which  has  been  constantly  transferred  away  from 
Ezekiel's  use  of  it  to  sometliing  very  different.  It  is  his  plan  for 
re  peopling  Canaan  without  a  return  from  the  Exile. 


ANSWERS   TO   THE   EXILIC   PROBLEM  195 

without  mediating  lawgiver  or  corapulsorj  adlierence 
to  customs  of  the  past. 

4.   Tlie  Answers  in  the   "  Comfort-Poem "  in  Isaiah. 

The  highest  lessons  taught  to  the  slaves  in  Baby- 
lon are  recorded  in  Isaiah  xl.  and  following  chap- 
ters. If  we  consider  first  what  the  most  careful  ex- 
amination of  the  text  waiTants  us  in  using  as  strictly 
belonging  to  the  Sixth  century,  B.C.  we  also  note  that 
all  the  supplementers  must  be  studied  in  their  due 
order.  There  is  not  a  phrase  added  by  the  simplest 
gloss-writer  that  ought  not  to  be  weighed  and  prized 
at  its  exact  historical  value.  But  it  is  to  be  remem- 
bered that  our  present  text  is  not  as  the  first  writer 
produced  it,  but  is,  as  it  were,  an  annotated  copy.^ 

In  trying  to  estimate  with  certainty  what  were  the 
theology  and  ethics  of  the  men  who  wrote  during  the 
slavery  in  Babylon,  it  seems  best  to  be  content  with 
what  the  most  radical  judgment  allows  to  be  unques- 
tionably the  original  product  of  the  first  and  the  sec- 
ond writers.  By  confining  our  views  to  these,  we 
shaU  at  least  gain  a  good  view  of  much  that  was 
actually  grasped  by  the  men  of  the  Exile.  We  are 
here  coming  to  the  highest  flight  of  Hebrew  thought, 
and  we  may  well  be  content  if  we  find  every  student 
agreeing  that  this  idea,  opinion,  faith,  and  theologi- 
cal or  ethical  height  were  attained  by  some  of  the 
slaves  in  Babylon  between  575  and  525  B.C. 

'  As  helps  to  the  study  of  this  Deutero-Isaiah,  see :  Polychrome 
Bible,  Fart  10,  Isaiah ;  T.  K.  Cheyne  ;  Clark  &  Co.,  London,  1898. 
Das  Buch  Jesaia;  B.  Duhm;  Vandenhoeck  &  Ruprecht,  Got- 
tingen,  1892. 


196       RELIGION   AND   ETHICS   IN  THE   EXILE 

The  passages  which  Cheyne  attributes  with  very 
few  exceptions  to  the  first  writer  are  : 

Isaiah  xL,  xli.,  xlii.  8-25,  xliii.,  xliv.  1-8,  and  21-28,  xlv., 
xlvi.  1-5,  and  9-13,  xlvii.,  xlviii.  3,  5-8,  11-16,  20-21. 

Duhm's  analysis  is  almost  exactly  the  same  so  far, 
but  he  considers  that  it  is  the  same  writer  who  con- 
tinues the  most  of  the  work  on  to  the  end  of  ch.  Iv. 
Then  both  Cheyne  and  Duhm  attribute  to  a  second 
writer  four  hymns,  viz.  : 

xlii.  1-4  ;  xlix.  1-6 ;  1.  4-9 ;  lii.  13-liii.  12. 

The  first  writer  is  he  who  sings  the  well-known 
touching  words,  ch.  xl.  1, 

'*  Comfort  ye,  comfort  ye  my  people,  saith  your  God." 

Again,  also,  that  wonder  among  utterances  of  faith, 
ch.  xli.  17  f. 

"When  the  poor  and  needy  seek  water,   and  there  is  none, 

and  their  tongue  is  parched  with  thirst, 
I,  Yahweh,  will  answer,  I,  the  god  of  Israel,  will  not  forsake. 
On  bare  hills  I  will  open  rivers  and  fountains  in  the  midst 

of  valleys. 
I  will  make  the  wilderness  a  brimming  lake,  and  dry  land 

channels  of  water. 
I  will  set  in  the  wilderness  the  cedar,  the  acacia,  the  myrtle, 

and  the  olive  tree. 
I  will  place  in  the  desert  the  pine,  the  plane  tree,  and  the 

cypress  together. 
That  men  may  see,  and  acknowledge,  and  consider,  and 

understand  at  once, 
That  Yahweh's  hand  has  done  this  and  Israel's  devoted  one 

has  created  it."  ^ 

'  Such  in  the  main  is  Cheyne's  translation. 


ANSWERS   TO   THE   EXILIC   PROBLEM  197 

The  second  writer,  author  of  the  four  slave  hjmus 
mentioned,  is  a  man  of  high  poetical  ability  and  lof- 
tiest religious  and  moral  character.  If  we  now  form 
for  ourselves  a  careful  estimate  of  the  mind  of  each 
of  these,  the  first  and  second  wi'iters,  and  even  con- 
fine ourselves  only  to  the  limits  which  Cheyne  would 
allow,  we  shall  see  two  personages  of  great  impor- 
tance to  the  story  of  Hebrew  theology  and  ethics. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE   FAITHS   OF  THE   COMFORT   POEM. 

The  Ideas   Concerning  God. 

Nothing  seems  more  pronounced  than  the  first 
writer's  belief  that  Yahweh,  the  god  of  the  Hebrews, 
is  controller  of  all  things.  He  holds  all  the  stars, 
he  calls  out  to  them  their  individual  names,  sum- 
moning them  thus  from  their  hidden  abodes.  And 
as  it  is  in  the  heavens,  so  it  is  on  earth  ;  Yahweh 
controls  the  empires,  kingdoms,  princes,  and  peoples. 
He  arranges  their  times  of  rise  and  continuance,  and 
prosperity  and  fall.  We  must  observe  at  this  point 
how  naturally  the  faith  of  our  writer  has  grown  up, 
or  to  put  it  in  other  words,  how  the  divine  method 
of  inspiration  of  great  souls  is  the  most  natural 
method  thinkable.  God  inspires  one  generation  by 
causing  them  to  read  and  study  the  thoughts  of  the 
previous  generation.  Jeremiah  had  grasped  the  idea 
that  Yahweh  wished  his  people  to  be  ruled  a  while 
by  Babylon ;  and  here  we  have  his  pupil,  a  genera- 
tion later,  standing  on  Jeremiah's  faith  as  basis  but 
extending  the  idea  much  farther.  For  this  Exilic 
writer  has  practically  thrown  away  the  idea  that 
there  are,  or  can  be,  any  other  gods  at  all  besides 
Yahweh.  Hosea  and  Isaiah  in  Jerusalem  could  sol- 
emnly argue  against  the  worth  and  power  of  other 
gods.     Jeremiah  did  not  deny  their  existence,  but  he 

198 


THE   FAITHS   OF   THE   COMFORT   POEM         199 

had  little  to  say  of  them.  This  writer  in  the  Exile 
laughs  at  them.  Doubtless  his  abode  in  Babylon 
had  shown  how  impotent  the  images  of  the  Babylonian 
deities  were.  AVliile  the  Hebrew  remained  in  his  own 
land,  he  might  easily  fancy  the  gods  of  Babylon  were 
Tery  powerful ;  not  so  when  he  had  once  seen  them 
in  their  own  temples.  Exile  has  made  our  writer  a 
monotheist,  and  indeed  the  first  monotheist  among  the 
Hebrew  writers.  Yahweh  is  to  him,  therefore,  the 
Creator  of  the  whole  earth  and  of  all  things  therein. 
He  is  the  God  who  can  give  all  strength  to  the  tender 
or  fainting  Hebrew,  or  to  the  mighty  conqueror  Cyrus. 
Yahweh  will  give  water  to  the  wanderers  across  the 
waterless  desert;  he  will  carry  the  children  in  his 
bosom,  and  he  will  tenderly  lead  along  the  weary 
mothers  on  their  expected  pilgrimage  back  to  Canaan. 

Better  still,  he  will  forgive  all  iniquity,  not  that  he 
will  do  this  without  having  exacted  full  penalty  for 
all  wrong  done,  nay,  he  has  required  a  suffering  that 
is  double  the  due  for  all  her  sin ;  but  it  is  he  who  has 
the  right  to  exact  the  penalty  and  to  declare  it  paid. 
This  view  of  forgiveness  and  of  sin  is  not  the  highest- 
The  highest  stage  is  yet  to  be  attained. 

Little  is  said  about  the  worship  due  to  Yahweh.  Yet 
there  are  a  few  words  (xliii.  23  f.)  which  show  that 
the  sheep  was  slaughtered  for  a  festival  meal  as  of 
old,  and  that  some  sort  of  incense  was  burned,  per- 
haps the  sweet  cane  that  is  mentioned  close  by.  In- 
deed it  would  scarcely  be  possible  to  hold  in  the  Exile 
anything  save  a  household  festival,  and  a  private 
slaughter  for  this  meal,  as  was  the  later  custom  for 
the  passover. 


200     ri^:lictIon  and  ethics  in  the  exile 

But  a  new  worship  began  to  burst  from  the  hearts 
in  song.  The  whole  book  is  a  poem ;  but  here  and 
there  the  writer  breaks  out  in  a  rich  lyric  of  praise 
and  joy,  as  in  xlii.  10-13 ;  xlv.  8,  according  to 
Cheyne,  and  according  to  Duhm,  xlix.  13.  This 
kind  of  worship  would  be  the  perfectly  natural  spon- 
taneous offering  of  glad  and  thankful  hearts,  by  men 
gathered  in  their  slave  homes  as  families  or  in  simple 
assemblies. 

Let  us  reserve  description  of  the  definite  plans  of 
Yahweh  for  the  future  of  the  Hebrews,  as  this  writer 
conceived  them,  until  a  little  later.  Meanwhile  we 
examine  his  views  Concerning  the  People  of  Yahweh. 

The  Hebrew  people  are  set  high  in  honour  by  some 
of  the  expressions  applied  to  them.  They  are  said 
to  have  in  their  very  veins  the  nature  of  the  lover  of 
Yahweh.  Abraham  had  been  pictured  as  supreme 
patriarch  of  the  Hebrews,  Edomites,  Ishmaelites,  and 
other  Arabs,  by  both  of  the  great  schools  of  narrative 
writers,  the  Yahwists  and  Elohists.  These  had  all 
described  him  as  no  ordinary  ancestor,  but  a  friend 
of  Yahweh  and  of  the  Elohim.  But  no  one  of  the 
great  prophets  before  the  Exile  had  used  these  stories 
about  him,  or  referred  to  his  character.  The  three 
passages  in  which  they  seem  to  do  so  are  late  inser- 
tions.^ But  in  Babylon  men  began  to  talk  of  this  great 
ancestor.  So  Ezekiel  names  him  once;^  and  the 
writings  collected  in  Isa.  xl.-lxvi.,  mention  him  three 
times.     Our  writer  does  so  once,  in  order  that  he  may 

'Isa.    xxix.    22;   Mic.   vii.   20;    Jer.    xxxiii.   26     See    Cheyne, 
Cornill  &  Duhm,  in  loc. 
2  Ez.  xxxiii.  24. 


THE  FAITHS   OF  THE   COMFORT   POEM         201 

extol  the  Hebrews  as  the  children  of  that  old  friend 
of  God.     Ch.  xli.  8. 

Again  it  is  meant  to  be  a  similar  honour  when  the 
writer  claims  that  they  are  Yahweh's  slaves.  "  Ye 
are  my  servants."  The  slave  was  a  part  of  the  master 
he  belonged  to ;  he  shared  his  lord's  life  in  sharing 
his  lord's  home  and  food  and  honour,  and  in  a  sense 
his  very  blood,  for  the  common  food  they  ate  made 
common  blood  flow  in  their  veins.  Carried  off  as 
slaves  by  Babylonian  soldiers,  they  still  were  owned 
by  Yahweh,  for  they  had  learned  to  believe  that  his 
power  did  not  cease  at  the  desert's  edge  near 
Canaan,  but  compassed  the  ends  of  the  earth. 

Another  very  natural  dignity  is  claimed  for  them. 
They  are  "witnesses  for  Yahweh."  In  that  foreign 
land  Yahweh  must  be  made  known,  his  might  ex- 
plained and  extolled,  his  character  set  forth  and  his 
honour  claimed.  Especially  are  they  to  testify  of  his 
full  foreknowledge  of  all  events.  Our  writer  believes 
that  Yahweh  alone  can  foretell.  The  Hebrews  are 
privileged  witnesses,  as  well  as  the  only  persons 
qualified  for  this  task.  We  should  note  this  point 
especially,  for  its  natural  consequence  is  not  seen  by 
this  writer ;  he  never  becomes  a  preacher  to  those 
heathen  Babylonians  of  the  universally  saving  love  of 
Yahweh.     But  the  next  writer  does. 

We  now  reach  a  remarkable  feature  of  the  writer's 
ideas ;  to  fit  these  people  for  all  their  tasks,  Yahweh 
is  believed  to  say  : 

*'  Fear  not,  my  slave— my  chosen, 
I  will  ponr  water  upon  the  thirsty. 

I  will  ponr  my  spirit  upon  thy  posterity,  and  my  blessing 
upon  thy  offspring."     Ch.  xliv.  2  f. 


202        RELIGION  AND   ETHICS   IN   THE   EXILE 

If  Isaiah  xi.  is  genuine  and  from  the  prophet 
Isaiah  of  Jerusalem,  then  this  idea  of  an  endowment 
with  divine  spirit  had  its  birth  one  hundred  and  fifty 
years  before  the  exilic  utterance  of  it.  But  then  the 
poured-out  spirit  was  to  endow  the  prince ;  whereas, 
now  it  is  to  come  down  over  and  brood  upon  all  the 
people.  Micah  had  described  the  inspirations  of 
goodness  and  guidance  for  men,  which  come  to  the 
preacher.  And  Ezekiel,  of  all  men  the  hardest 
priestly  formalist,  exalted  his  pages  with  records  of 
the  works  of  "the  spirit."     So  he  said: 

ii.  2.   "The   spirit   entered   into  me,   as   he   spoke  to 
me." 
iii.  24.   "  The  spirit  entered  into  me,  and  set  me  on  my 
feet." 
xi.  5.    ' '  The  spirit  of  Yahweh  fell  ujDon  me,  and  he  said 
to  me." 
19.   "I  will  give  them  a  new  mind  and  put  a  new 
spirit  within  them." 
xviii.  31.    * '  Make  you  a  new  mind  and  a  new  spirit. " 
xxxvi.  26.   "I  will   sprinkle   pure  water  upon  you  and  ye 
shall  be  pure, 
I  will  give  you  a  new  mind  and  put  within  you 

a  new  spirit ; 
I  will  take  the  stony  mind  out  of  your  bosom 

and  give  you  a  mind  of  flesh. 
My  own  spirit  I  will  put  in  you." 

xxxvii.  14.    "I  will  put  my  spirit  in  you  and  ye  shall  live." 
xxxix.  29.    "I  will  no  longer  leave  any  of  them  there, 

Nor  any  longer  hide  my  face  from  them. 

"When  I  shall  have  poured  out  my  spirit  on  the 
house  of  Israel, 

Saith  the  lordlv  Yahweh." 


THE   FAITHS   OF   THE   COMFORT   POEM         203 

Our  writer  in  Isaiah  xliv.  expects  Yahweh  to  pour  his 
spirit  upou  all  Hebrew  posterity.  In  all  these  utter- 
ances we  can  see  a  great  change  in  the  thinking  of 
the  people.  In  early  days  the  Semitic  faith  was  that  a 
common  blood  made  a  common  life  in  the  members  of 
the  tribe,  both  in  the  men  and  the  god  of  the  tribe. 
But  that  faith  was  rudely  shattered.  There  came  a 
day  when  they  felt  that  their  god  went  no  more  out 
with  them  into  the  battles  of  life.  Then  Hosea 
preached  the  new  doctrine  that  Yahweh  is  not  man's 
clansman.  He  does  not  join  with  men  in  the  old 
way ;  but  he  has  a  new  character,  of  loving-kindness, 
CJiesedh,  which  they  did  not  know  before.  Now  he 
will  be  their  husband,  no  longer  a  baal,  a  mere  food- 
giver,  but  the  husband  in  spirit  and  life  and  love. 
So  the  prophets  of  the  exile  reached  the  high  level 
and  declared : 

**  Our  God  will  fill  us  all  with  his  own  spirit,  and  love." 

The   Vieivs  of  Yahioelis  Purjooses  Among  Men. 

Now  we  reach  the  climax  of  this  writer's  faith  in 
Yahweh  and  expectation  for  the  future  of  the  Hebrews. 
He  is  going  to  restore  them  to  Canaan.  To  such  a  He- 
brew this  view  is  absolutely  necessary ;  for  our  writer 
still  stands  upon  the  old  Semitic  theory  that  a  god 
and  a  people  and  their  land  are  inseparable.  Only 
on  their  OAvn  land  can  there  be  clean  life,  i.e.,  harm- 
less existence  ;  onl}^  there  can  they  be  buried  safely, 
because  their  god  is  the  god  of  that  land.  No- 
where else  but  in  Canaan  could  Yahweh  properly  and 
fully  work,  therefore  the  Hebrews  must  be  restored 


204       RELIGION   AND   ETHICS   IN  THE   EXILE 

thither.  The  sin  that  was  being  expiated  by  exile  is 
now  doubly  punished.  Therefore  the  cry,  "  Up,  ye 
cajjtives,  make  straight  across  the  desert  a  highway 
for  your  god,  and  away."  Here,  then,  is  a  relic  of 
the  old  faith.  It  was  inconsistent  certainly,  and  yet 
there  were  circumstances  that  very  easily  occasioned 
its  recrudescence.  The  events  in  imperial  history 
did  this.  Babylon  was  failing.  The  new  world  con- 
queror, Cyrus  of  Medo-Persia,  was  marching  west- 
ward, and  many  Babylonians  as  well  as  Jews  expected 
that  he  would  come  down  on  the  Queen  city,  and 
would  reduce  her  to  her  old  enslavement,  under  the 
new  master.  The  Hebrews  knew  that  Cyrus  was 
favourable  to  all  religions  and  believed  that  he 
would  favour  them  and  send  them  home  to  their 
land  and  their  ancestral  religion.  The  faith  that 
Cyrus  was  actually  called  out  of  the  east  by  Yah- 
weh  for  this  task  easily  arose. 

**  Thus  says  Yahweh,  thy  redeemer, 
I  am  Yahweh  who  wrought  everything, 
Who  says  of  Cyrus  :  My  friend  is  he, 
And  all  my  purposes  will  he  accomplish." 

ch.  xliv.  24-28. 

Our  writer  goes  much  further :  at  least  he  does  so 
to  the  common  fancy  of  to-day,  although  he  says 
only  what  is  perfectly  natural  for  a  Hebrew.  He 
sings  on  (xlv.  Iff.): 

"  Thus  says  Yahweh  to  his  anointed,^  to  Cyrus, 
Whose  right  hand  I  have  grasped. 

'  The  Hebrew  word  is  Mashich.  It  is  very  often  used  of  kings, 
priests,  and  others  who  are  regarded  as  divinely  appointed  to  their 


THE   FAITHS   OF  THE   COMFORT   POEM         205 

**  To   open   doors   before   him,  and  that  gates  may  not  be 
closed  : 

I  myself  will  go  before  thee, 

Doors  of  bronze  will  I  break  in  pieces, 

It  was  for  the  sake  of  Jacob,  my  slave,  and  Israel  my  chosen, 

that  I  called  thee  by  name ; 
I  took  delight  in  thee,  though  thou  knewest  me  not. 

So  it  was  I  who  aroused  him  in  righteousness. 

He  will  build  my  city,  and  my  exiled  ones  will  he  set  free. 

I  have  brought  near  my  gift,  it  is  not  far  off, 
And  it  is  my  deliverance  that  is  not  to  tarry, 
I  appoint  in  Zion  deliverance  and  for  Israel  my  adornment." 
xlvi.  13. 

It  is  quite  evident  then  what  this  writer  was  think- 
ing of,  what  events  in  history  he  was  looking  upon, 
and  indeed  in  what  year  was  his  work.  For  history 
tells  us  that  Cyrus,  who  reigned  555-530  B.C.,  marched 
westward  in  the  early  years  of  his  reign,  conquer- 
ing everything  before  him.  Therefore,  doubtless, 
our  writer  was  expecting  the  deliverance,  and  wrote 
these  chapters,  Isaiah,  xl.-xlviii.,  about  the  year  550 
or  soon  after  that.  Babylonian  annals  of  King 
Nabuna'id  say  that  Cyrus  crossed   the  Tigris  not  far 

tasks.  So  it  is  used  by  our  writer  to  characterise  Cyrus,  But  the 
frequentative  form  Messiah.,  meaning  '•  One  who  is  constantly 
anointed,"  is  never  used  in  the  Old  Testament  indeed,  it  is  not  a 
Hebrew  word.  It  appears  first  in  the  New  Testament,  in  late 
Aramaic  ;  and  it  is  appHed  to  Jesus.  He  alone  is  described,  in 
Semitic  style,  as  one  who  is  continuously  appointed  of  God  to  his 
task. 


206        RELIGION   AND   ETHICS   IN   THE   EXILE 

from  Babylon  about  547  B.C.  But  the  Hebrews*  hope 
was  disappointed.  Croesus,  king  of  Lydia,  marched 
in  54G  to  Babylon's  help,  and  the  Medo-Persian  had 
to  turn  all  his  strength  to  the  destruction  of  the 
Lydian.  Babylon  was  free  for  another  eight  or  nine 
years.  The  poor  Hebrews  were  plunged  into  darker 
trouble  than  before,  for  evidently  the  Babylonian 
masters  wreaked  their  vengeance  on  the  slaves  who 
had  plotted  to  be  free.  Such,  then,  is  the  faith,  re- 
ligion, and  moral  height  of  the  singer  of  "  Comfort  ye 
my  people."  The  expectation  and  prediction  were 
disappointed:  but  the  faith  was  far  up  toward  the 
true  height.     That  height  was  soon  reached. 


CHAPTER   V 

THE   FOUR  SONGS   OF  THE   SUFFERING   SLAVE 
Isa.  ilii.  1-4  ;  xlii.   1-6 ;  1.  4-9 ;  lii.  13-liii.  12. 

The  author  of  the  four  Slave-Lyrics  had  a  higher 
ideal  for  the  Hebrews  than  his  contemporary  whom 
we  have  been  studying.  And  while  the  second  of  his 
lyrics,  xlix.  1-6,  must  date  indeed  after  the  discovery 
that  the  people  were  not  to  be  restored  to  Canaan, 
yet  the  previous  one,  xlii.  1-4,  gives  no  suggestion  of 
such  discovery.  It  shows,  doubtless,  what  was  this 
noble  slave's  mind  in  the  earlier  days  when  the  chant 
of  deliverance  was  being  published.  The  former 
writer,  in  that  chant,  called  the  Hebrews  Yahweh's 
slaves  ;  but  he  was  very  angry  with  their  slow,  slavish 
attitude  under  his  eager  exhortations.     He  cries  : 

'•  Who  is  blind,  but  the  servants  of  Yahweh, 
And  deaf  as  their  rulers  ! 
Much  hast  thou  seen  without  observing  it ; 
Thou  whose  ears  were  open,  yet  thou  didst  not  hear ! " 

Just  before  this  passage  the  first  lyric  by  the  second 
writer  has  been  inserted.     He  sings  : 

xlii.  1-6.  "  Behold  my  slave,  whom  I  uphold  ; 

My  chosen  in  whom  my  soul  delights  ; 
I  have  put  my  spirit  upon  him  ; 
He  will  set  forth  teaching  to  the  nations. 
207 


208        RELIGION   AND   ETHICS   IN   THE   EXILE 

**  He  will  not  cry  aloud,  nor  roar  as  a  lion, 
Nor  cause  his  voice  to  be  heard  in  the  street. 
A  cracked  reed  he  will  not  break, 
And  a  dimly  burning  wick  he  will  not  quench. 

* '  Faithfully  will  he  set  forth  teaching  ; 
He  will  not  burn  dimly  nor  be  crushed  in  spirit. 
Till  he  have  set  teaching  in  the  earth, 
And  for  his  instruction  the  far  countries  wait." 

Here  is  a  wonderfully  high  ideal,  set  up  by  a  cap- 
tive far  from  his  home.  This  man  feels  he  is  Yah- 
weh's  slave ;  and  therefore  he  will  be  a  teacher  of 
nations,  calm,  gentle,  and  all-prevailing.  His  qual- 
ities all  flow  from  the  divine  spirit  that  is  poured  out 
upon  him.  The  conception  is  quite  consistent  with 
an  expectation  of  return  to  Canaan  ;  but  that  hope  is 
by  no  means  the  first  thing  in  his  mind.  It  is  never 
once  mentioned.  Rather  might  we  suppose  that  the 
singer  is  slighting  the  warlike  mission  of  *'  Anointed  " 
Cyrus,  and  holding  that  a  far  higher  task  than  that  is 
given  to  Israel,  the  Slave ;  for  he  is  to  be  the  world's 
teacher. 

In  xlix.  1-6  the  outlook  is  different.^  The  pur- 
pose to  teach  the  peoples  of  the  world  is  as  great  as 
ever,  even  greater;  it  is  a  purpose  to  give  to  all  a 
"  deliverance  "  that  is  joyful  life  and  helpfulness.  It 
is,  however,  the  new  willingness  to  stay  in  exile  that 

^  The  metre  in  all  four  songs  is  the  same.  They  run  each  of 
them  in  sets  of  four  lines,  with  six  beats  in  each,  and  of  these 
beats  the  two  threes  in  each  six  are  parallels.  Then  these  hexam- 
eter lines  are  set  in  pairs  which  have  again  a  parallelism.  And 
this  measure  is  quite  unlike  what  precedes  and  what  follows  in 
each  case. 


SONGS   OF  THE   SUFFERING  SLAVE  209 

makes  this  second  song  most  wonderful.  Now  the 
hope  of  return  is  recognised  as  gone  and  the  singer 
tells  of  his  disappointment.  But  he  says  in  the  dark 
hour  he  looked  on  Yahweh's  character  with  its  constant 
justice,  and  gazing  there  he  saw  that  to  remain  in 
Babylon  was  Yahweh's  gracious  plan  for  Israel.  The 
singers  and  saints  had  thought  that  their  god  meant 
them  to  go  back,  according  to  the  old  ancestral  faith ; 
but  it  was  a  mistake.  It  would  be  too  little,  too  trivial 
a  task  for  them  to  lead  back  the  Hebrews  to  their  old 
homes  and  farms  and  sanctuary.  By  remaining  in  the 
world's  social  and  commercial  centre  they  are  to  bring 
the  joy  of  Y'ahweh's  love  to  the  ends  of  the  earth. 

Here,  then,  was  an  ideal  for  foreign  missions  pro- 
claimed 2,400  years  ago,  and  that  by  a  slave  in  a 
foreign  city,  1,000  miles  awa}^  from  his  home — by  a 
slave  whose  traditions  hitherto  taught  him  that  the 
very  soil  of  Babylon  was  hateful,  and  its  people  the 
enemies  of  himself  and  his  god. 

The  newer  light  shines  through  dark  clouds  of  pain 
in  the  third  slave  song,  1.  4-9. 

"  The  lordly  Yah  well  has  given  me  the  eloquence  of  his  dis- 
ciples, 

That  I  may  know  how  to  revive  the  weary  one  with  words 
of  comfort ; 

In  the  morning  he  wakens  mine  ear  that  I  may  hearken  as 
his  disciple. 

And  I  have  not  been  rebellious  ;  I  have  not  turned  back. 

My  back  I  gave  to  smiters,  and  my  cheeks  to  those  who 
plucked  out  the  beard. 

My  face  I  hid  not  from  insult  and  spitting. 

But  the  lordly  Yahweh  will  help  me  ;  therefore  am  I  not 
confounded. 


210        RELIGION   AND   ETHICS   IN   THE   EXILE 

Therefore  I  hardened  my  face  like  a  flint  and  was  sure  that 

I  should  not  be  ashamed. 
Near  is  he  who  redresses  my  wrongs  ;  who  will  strive  with 

me  ?     Let  us  stand  together. 
Who  is  my  opponent  ?     Let  him  draw  near  to  me  ! 
Behold  the  lordly  Yahweh  will  help  me  ;  who  is  he  that 

can  worst  me  ? 
Behold  they  shall  all  fall  to  pieces  like  a  garment ;    the 

moths  will  eat  them."^ 

Let  us  arrange  in  brief  theses  this  man's  ideas  of 
his  god  now. 

First :  The  acceptance  of  Yahweh's  commission 
to  be  evangel  -  bearer  rouses  opponents  to  greater 
hate.  In  other  words,  a  sight  of  God  makes  sin  more 
hideous ;  and  this,  not  merely  in  the  sense  that  it 
makes  sin  appear  more  hideous,  but  it  causes  more 
hideous  sins  to  be  committed. 

Secondly  :  Such  opposition  produces  in  the  slave 
of  Yahweh  only  greater  knowledge  of  Him,  which 
is  greater  certainty  that  He  is  ever  faithful,  that  He 
is  sure  to  produce  always  far  more  bliss  than  any 
suffering  could  outweigh. 

Thirdly :  Thereby  the  slave  of  Yahweh  is  made 
more  eager  to  carry  His  blessing  to  all,  more  quick 
and  tender  to  revive  the  weary  ones  with  words  of 
comfort. 

Fourthly :  He  becomes  more  humbly  teachable 
than  before.  The  song  of  ch.  xlii.  was  rich  in 
consciousness  of  strength  possessed  for  the  high 
tasks.  But  here  in  chapter  1.  is  something  new 
and   startling,  an   utter  readiness   to   be  a  disciple, 

'  We  follow  mainly  Cbeyne's  translations  in  the  Polychrome. 


SONGS   OF  THE   SUFFERING   SLAVE  211 

to  awake  betimes  for  "class-training"  in  the  great 
service. 

Fifthly :  The  calmness  is  greater  than  ever.  The 
bravery  of  the  singer  now  is  astounding.  "  I  turn 
not  back :  nay,  I  give  my  back  to  the  smiter  :  aye, 
I  give  my  face  to  spitting,  and  even  to  violent  hurt !  " 

We  must  add  that  the  singer  learned  directly  from 
his  forerunner  Jeremiah.^ 

The  song  which  runs  from  lii.  13  to  liii.  12,  is  like 
the  other  IjtIcs  in  form  and  in  many  other  respects ; 
but  it  differs  from  the  former  three,  in  that  it  makes 
the  other  Hebrews  speak  of  the  slave  of  Yahweh. 
The  first  of  the  four  makes  Yahweh  speak  of  the 
slave,  announcing  his  commission ;  the  second  and 
third  make  the  slave  speak  himself.  In  the  second 
he  utters  his  newly  received  revelation,  in  the  third, 
his  great  danger  and  his  greater  devotion.  But  now, 
in  the  fourth,  he  lives  no  more  to  speak.  He  has 
died,  unjustly,  ignominiously.  But  over  the  grave 
the  strange  power  of  death  appears.  Death  has  not 
ended  all  ;  it  has  caused  entirely  new  experiences, 
it  has  created  new  lives.  The  suffering  servant  has 
died  but  to  live,  and  to  be  a  giver  of  life. 

The  first  three  stanzas  of  this  new  and  greater  song 
seem  partly  uttered  by  Yahweh,  partly  by  Hebrews. 
These  have  changed  their  mind ;  they  did  oppose 
him,  and  thought  that  Yahweh  condemned  him.  But 
they  are  coming  over  to  his  side ;  they  are  becoming 
one  with  him  now,  and  they  have  accepted  his  ideas 
about  the  suffering  slave.     All  chant  the   paradox, 

*  Cheyne  points  out  the  close  connection  with  Jer.  xvii.  IG  ; 
XX.  7. 


212       RELIGION   AND   ETHICS   IN  THE   EXILE 

the  wonder  which  this  man  was  in  his  life,  and  is  in 
death. 

The  fourth  stanza  sketches  the  man,  poverty- 
stricken,  ugly. 

The  fifth  tells  how  all  despised  him,  and  according 
to  all  ordinary  human  judgment  did  so  justly. 

But  now  begins  in  the  sixth  stanza,  the  note  of 
confession.  A  revelation  we  have  had  in  him,  say 
the  singers,  but  a  revelation  that  is  regeneration  in 
us.  We  thought  we  understood  Yahweh,  and  we  be- 
lieved that  whoever  suffered  like  this  man  was  being 
beaten  of  Him  for  his  faults.  We  find  that  we  were 
the  sinners,  we  the  well-to-do,  we  the  self-satisfied ; 
and  this  man  was  altogether  one  with  Yahweh.  For 
Yahweh  wished  to  give  us  true  life,  and  His  slave  suf- 
fered what  we  deserved  that  we  may  go  free  and  live. 

The  seventh  stanza  declares  that  they  stand  now 
on  his  side.  His  death  startled  them,  his  character 
bowed  them  in  shame  ;  so  they  were  won  over  to 
goodness.  He  has  thus  taken  away  their  sin ;  hence- 
forth they  hate  and  abandon  it.  Their  former  con- 
duct, ethics,  theology,  were  all  folly.  He,  living 
and  dying,  suffered  every  bitterness  with  patience. 
His  body  has  been  flung  with  indignity,  virtually,  to 
the  dogs  ;  but  he  has  obtained  a  posterity  and  pro- 
longed his  days  in  their  new  life  as  his  followers. 
The  pleasure  of  Yahweh  shall  prosper  in  his  dead 
hands.  At  this  point  in  the  eleventh  stanza,  the  text 
is  corrupted  so  that  none  can  read  it. 

The  end  of  the  stanza  clears  up  again,  and  in  it,  with 
the  two  that  follow,  the  singers  pour  out  their  new  yet 
somewhat  anxious  faith  that  the  unseen  future  will  be 


SONGS    OF  THE   SUFFERING    SLAVE  213 

as  they  sing  and  hope.  And  Yahweh's  own  Toice 
mingles  again  with  theirs  : — 

"Yes  it  shall  be  : 
With  knowledge   thereof  my  servant  is  to  interpose  for 

many. 
Therefore  shall  he  receive  a  possession  among  the  great. " 

A  possession  it  is,  indeed,  to  have  such  a  posterity  of 
souls  to  follow  him.  Observe  here,  again,  how  much 
of  the  story  of  Jeremiah's  experience  is  woven  into 
this  song.^  The  task  is  accomplished.  We  have  seen 
the  Hebrews  rise  to  this  great  height  in  their  view  of 
God  and  of  life's  task,  which  are  exactly  the  same  as 
we  see  realised  in  Jesus  550  years  later. 

'  Cf.  Jer,  xi.,  xii.,  xx. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE   HIDDEN   RESULT 

The  question  whether  the  exiled  Hebrews  all  rose 
to  the  high  level  just  described,  as  grasped  and  pub- 
lished in  the  four  "  Songs  of  the  Slave,"  has  been 
answered  almost  always  in  the  negative.  Commonly 
one  hears  of  ''  The  Return  from  the  Exile,"  and  even 
theologians  speak  of  this  as  if  the  higher  mission  of 
the  Hebrews  had  never  been  thought  out  or  dreamed 
of  as  likely  to  be  accomplished.  But  a  change  in 
opinion  is  coming  about.  Men  are  asking.  Was 
there  ever  a  Return  ?  The  answer  is  becoming  possi- 
ble, and  so  far  it  is  clearly  in  the  negative. 

The  books  of  Chronicles  tell  us  how  one  family, 
that  of  "  Ezra,"  did  not  return.  Our  Isaiah-singers 
did  their  great  work  in  550  to  540  B.C.  They  said, 
let  us  stay  here  in  Babylon  and  be  teachers.  Two 
families  at  least  stayed ;  and  a  hundred  years  later, 
about  450  to  440  B.C.,  one  member  of  these  called 
Ezra  was  just  such  a  *'  learner ''  as  the  writer  of 
Isaiah  1.  had  claimed  to  be.  He  was  learned  in  all  that 
he  counted  the  "  Instruction  of  Yahweh."  And  more 
than  this,  he  was  ready  to  leave  his  home,  the  home 
where  his  fathers  had  dwelt  for  five  generations,  and 
go  to  the  ends  of  the  earth  to  teach  his  very  dis- 
tant relatives  in  Jerusalem.  The  story  of  Ezra  is  a 
proof  that  the  idea  of  Isaiah  xlix.  1-6  was  carried 

214 


THE   HIDDEN   RESULT  215 

out  by  the  Hebrews.  Such,  too,  is  the  story  of  Ne- 
hemiah  of  the  same  time.  He  was  not  only  at  home 
in  Babylon,  he  was  in  very  high  office,  so  high  that 
his  fathers  must  have  been  there  a  long  time.  There 
he  lived  an  active,  honoured  life,  and  carried  on  im- 
portant business,  living  all  the  time  no  doubt  as  a 
worshipper  of  Yahweh  before  his  king  and  felloAV- 
courtiers.  And  he  was  ready,  also,  to  go  to  the 
almost  unknown  land  of  Canaan  to  serve  his  royal 
master  there  by  acting  as  a  wise  governor.  Of  course 
all  this  depends  on  the  question  whether  the  story  is 
reliable  which  is  told  of  these  men  in  the  little  books 
called  "Ezra"  and  "Nehemiah"  which  are  parts  of 
the  books  of  Chronicles.  These  books  date  from 
300  B.C.  at  the  earliest,^  a  century  and  a  half  later 
than  the  supposed  dates  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

The  books  of  Haggai,  Zechariah  and  Malachi  are 
the  works  of  prophets  who  lived  in  Canaan  and 
doubtless  near  Zion,  about  the  end  of  the  Exile  cen- 
tury. Their  dates  run  from  about  520  B.C.  on  into  the 
next  century.  They  arose  among  a  little  Jewish 
people  who  still  lived  about  Zion,  as  we  know  a 
people  were  left  along  with  Jeremiah  about  590  B.C. 
It  was  not  possible  that  these  should  cease  to  carry 
on  in  some  form  the  worship  at  their  sanctuary  after 
the  Deuteronomic  way.  By  the  end  of  the  century, 
or  even  fifty  years  after  the  exiles  were  led  away, 
from  the  year  530  to  520  B.C.,  these  remaining  folk  had 
liad  time  to  become  comfortable  and  to  merit  the  re- 
proaches of  Haggai  for  their  failure  to  rebuild  their 
ruined  temple.  So  Haggai  and  Zechariah  stood  to 
'  See  note,  p.  215. 


216        RELIGION   AND   ETHICS   IN   THE   EXILE 

preacli  the  old  righteousness.  But  never  once  do 
these  two  hint  that  there  were  any  returned  exiles 
in  their  audience.  Malachi,  writing  later  still,  says 
nothing  to  suggest  that  there  had  been  a  return.  To 
these  men  the  old  enslaved  and  deported  people  were 
utterly  lost  and  of  no  more  account,  just  as  in  the  year 
700  B.C.  the  people  of  Judah  troubled  no  more  over 
the  people  of  the  northern  kingdom  who  had  been 
carried  away  to  exile  in  722.  Those  northern  Israel- 
ites were  lost ;  so,  too,  were  the  people  of  Judah  who 
were  exiled  in  590  B.C.  Those  who  remained,  or 
rather  their  children  of  the  two  generations  follow- 
ing, were  the  whole  of  Judah  now.  They  knew  of  no 
return  from  the  Exile. 

There  is  another  record  mentioned  above  which  says 
there  was  a  return  about  536  B.C.  This  we  have  in 
Chronicles  in  the  parts  now  detached  and  called  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah.  Chronicles,  appearing  after  300  B.C., 
was  an  heretical  book,  for  it  dared  to  rewrite  the  story 
of  the  Hebrew  people,  from  Adam  down  to  its  own  day, 
attempting  thus  to  displace  the  Priestly  Document, 
which  we  now  find  beginning  in  Gen.  i.  and  running 
to  the  end  of  Kings.  Chronicles  was  evidently  in 
disfavour  for  a  long  time,  for  when  it  did  get  ad- 
mission to  the  Jewish  canon  it  was  set  at  the  verj- 
end,  last  among  the  lowest  rank  of  inspired  books. 
Certain  portions  of  it  that  tell  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
were  seen  to  be  interesting  supplements  to  what 
was  told  in  the  books  of  Kings;  therefore,  these  two 
portions  were  detached  and  set  in  a  higher  place. 
But  the  historical  value  of  these  portions  must  rank 
exactly  with  that   of  Chronicles.      Torrey's   careful 


THE  HIDDEN   RESULT  217 

discussion  of  this  question  seems  perfectly  correct ;  ^ 
and  his  conclusion,  p.  65,  is  :  "The  result  of  the  in- 
vestigation as  to  the  historical  contents  of  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  has  thus  been  to  show  that,  aside  from  the 
greater  part  of  Neh.  1-6,  the  book  has  no  value  what- 
ever as  history."^  Torrey's  judgment  on  the  ques- 
tion of  a  return  from  the  exile  is,  "The  fact  de- 
serves to  be  emphasised,  not  passed  over  lightly,  that 
outside  of  Ezra-Nehemiah  there  is  not  a  trace  of  any 
such  tradition  in  the  Old  Testament."  ^  The  same 
opinion  is  expounded  in  the  Article  "  Exile  "  in  the 
Encyc.  Biblica." 

We  may  conclude  that  the  ideal  of  the  writer  of 
the  Slave  Songs  was  actually  attained.  The  children 
of  the  Exile  remained  in  exile.  Certainly  we  cannot 
suppose  that  they  all  did  the  noble  work  of  manifest- 
ing Yah  well's  character  to  the  ends  of  the  earth. 
And  we  need  not  expect  to  find  records  of  the  work 
of  those  who  did  so  serve  the  world.  Such  service 
is  seldom  recorded  in  documents.  But  it  is  of  inter- 
est to  remember  that  in  all  parts  of  the  world  know^n 
to  us,  there  was  at  this  very  time  a  notable  receptivity, 
to  say  the  least,  for  spiritual  religion.  This  was  the 
case  in  China,  where  Confucius  was  born  about 
550  B.C.,  in  India  where  Buddha  was  born  about  480 
B.C.,  in  Persia  where  Zoroastrianism  was  reborn  about 
500  B.C.,  and  in  Greece  where  ^schylus  wrote  his 

'  The  Composition  and  Historical  Value  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 
By  Dr.  C.  C.  Torrey.     Published  by  Rickers,  Giessen,  1896. 

^  Neh.  1-6  tells  the  story  of  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem  by  the 
governor  Nehemiah  in  445-430  B.C. 

3  Ibid. ,  p.  62. 

*  Written  by  Prof.  Cheyne  and  the  late  Prof.  Rosters. 


218       RELIGION   AND    ETHICS   IN   THE   EXILE 

"  Prometlieus  Yiuctus "  about  460  B.C.  wlien  about 
forty  years  of  age,  aud  Socrates  was  born  in  468  B.C., 
and  Plato  in  429.  The  influences  which  radiated 
from  the  world's  metropolis  in  Babylon  touched  the 
homes  of  all  these  seekers  after  God :  and  among 
those  radiating  influences  we  cannot  leave  uncounted 
the  high  faith  and  words  of  the  writer  and  first  read- 
ers of  the  Four  Slave-Songs  now  found  in  Isaiah. 
These  men  did  breathe  divine  blessing  to  the  ends 
of  the  earth.  For  their  instruction  the  far  countries 
were  indeed  waiting.  To  such  a  final  climax  did 
Hebrew  Eeligious  thought,  theology,  ethics  rise. 


APPENDIX  I 

ANALYTICAL    CONTENTS    OF    THE    YAH- 
WIS  TIC  NARRATIVE 

1.  The  Epic  of  the  Beginnings  of  Life, 

1.  The  First  Day.  From  an  autumn  soil,  dry,  hard  and 
lifeless,  Yahweh  gathers  dust,  moistened  by  mist.  He  moulds 
a  being,  and  breathes  in  breath.  It  lives,  an  Adham.  Yahweh 
sets  him  amid  pleasure,  with  work  and  care  ;  and  warns  him 
that  effort  to  get  maturity  will  mean  death.  He  forms  next 
all  other  beasts  ;  but  none  is  Adham's  mate,^ 

2.  The  Second  Day.  Yahweh  fashions  one  side  of  Adham 
into  woman  :  hence  originates  separation  from  one's  clan  by 
marriage.  All  beings  are  naive,  sexually  as  otherwise :  most 
so  in  the  Nachash  family  which,  like  children,  loves  to  question. 
So  maturity  is  reached  and  sexual  self-consciousness,  in  the 
woman  first.  A  birth  follows,  with  pain  and  with  sense  of 
bitterness  in  toil,  and  also  with  sense  of  estrangement  from 
Yahweh.  So  originate  curses  and  degradation  of  some 
beasts.'^ 

3.  Development  follows  in  nomad-life,  in  agriculture,  city- 

>  The  numbers  of  these  sections  correspond  to  those  in  the  au- 
thor's revision  of  the  Yahwistic  Document,  given  in  0.  Test.  The- 
ology, vol.  li. 

''  2a.  A  supplementary  passage  from  another  Yahwistic  writer 
describes  in  the  form  of  a  story  the  conflict  of  the  sacrificial 
methods  of  the  herdman,  or  nomad,  and  the  agriculturist.  Blood 
feud  arises.  The  writer  exalts  the  flesh  feast.  But  the  end  of  the 
passage  is  lost 

219 


220  APPENDIX   I 

building,  beauty,  arts,  blood-revenge,  and  the  vine  with  its 
intoxications  and  enslavements.' 

4.  A  folk-lore  explanation  of  giants  and  their  origin. 

5.  A  similar  explanation  of  diversity  in  languages,  and  of 
the  spread  of  peoples  :  Yahweh  is  jealous  for  the  privileges  of 
the  gods  :  Babel's  early  origin  and  that  of  many  peoples  as 
they  migrate.  Especially  prominent  is  the  rise  of  "men  of 
Shem"  (i.e.,  people  of  name  or  character). 

6.  One  migrator,  Abram  (exalted  father),  is  conscious  of 
communications  with  Yahweh  and  is  full  of  ideals  and 
purpose.  He  reaches  Shechem,  begins  a  sanctuary  and  a 
Torah-place,  and  is  wealthy.  A  relative.  Lot,  settles  in  the 
Sodom  and  Gomorrah  region.  The  stories  of  folk-lore  are 
now  all  grouped  successively  around  various  sanctuaries. 
Shechem  is  the  Jlrst  central  point  of  events. 

7.  The  writer  describes  the  chief  ideal  and  hope  of  the 
Hebrews,  as  grasped  by  the  great  ancestor  while  in  communion 
with  Yahweh,  and  solemnly  inaugurated  by  a  sacrificial  feast 
(the  victims  are  a  he-goat,  a  ram,  each  three  years,  or 
days,  old,  and  a  young  turtle-dove),  with  peculiar  ritual 
which  is  symbolical  of  a  sharing  of  both  the  food  and  agree- 
ment between  the  two.  The  hope  was  one  of  empire,  which 
was  regarded  as  attained  under  Solomon,  cf.  1  Kings  viii.  65.' 

8.  The  customary  concubinage,  slavery,  and  blood -feud 
between  clans  of  Hebrews  and  Egyptians :  Yahweh  altars, 
faiths,  and  oracles  exist  among  both  and  among  the  related 
nomads  of  the  Arabian  steppes. 

9.  and  10.  Idyllic  and  very  anthropomorphic  pictures  of  an 
appearance  of  Yahweh — who  is  at  one  time  thought  of  in  the 
singular  number  and  at  other  times  as  a  plural,  to  the  ancestor 
who  is  now  called  Abraham,  while  his  wife  is  called  Sarah. 

'  3a.  A  supplementary  passage  describes  a  great  inundation 
which  lasts  about  a  month.  Eight  persons,  seven  pairs  of  each 
clean  animal,  and  a  pair  of  every  unclean  sort  are  saved  in  a 
great  boat.  The  story  is  a  version  of  the  common  oriental  or 
Euphrates  valley  tradition. 

*  This  is  indicative  of  the  writer's  date. 


THE   YAHWISTIC  NARRATIVE  221 

There  is  a  joyful  realisation  that  Sarah  is  conceiving  with  a 
play  on  the  child's  name,    Isaac  (laughter). 

11.  A  picture  of  disgusting  and  wilful  wrong-doing,  as  the 
reason  for  the  origin  of  the  Salt  Sea,  and  the  ruin  of  the 
plain.  This  geologic  cataclysm  is  regarded  as  subsequent  to 
the  immigration  of  Abraham,  which  is,  therefore,  set  in  a 
prehistoric  age. 

12.  A  dishonourable  origin  imputed  to  two  sister  tribes, 
Moab  and  Ammon,  who  were  afterward  enemies  of  the 
Hebrews. 

13.  The  great  ancestor's  numerous  sons :  clan  chiefs,  co- 
ordinate with  the  specially  favoured  heir,  Isaac. 

1-4.  The  care  of  the  proper  blood-descent  :  with  two  fine 
pictures,  one  of  a  slave's  devotion  and  oath,  one  of  a  mar- 
riage. 

15.  Isaac's  wilful  deceit,  and  exposure  :  nevertheless  he 
gets  his  blessings. 

16.  He  makes  covenants  with  Philistines  concerning  the 
diflBcult  question  of  wells  beside  whom  he  is  a  constant  Ger 
(sojourner)  and  who  recognise  that  Yah  well  is  his  tribal  deity 
and  defence.  They  hold  a  sacrificial  drinking  feast  together: 
he  plants  a  sacred  tree  (^p5C  or  possibly  rTlTrX)  for  Yahweh. 
This  sanctuary  is  Beersheba,  the  seccmd  great  central  point  of 
events. 

17.  How  Edom  is  not  favoured  of  Yahweh  so  much  as  his 
less  manly  brother  Jacob  (the  Supplanter) . 

18.  How  the  Supplanter  gains  through  the  deceitfulness 
of  his  Aramsean  mother,  and  by  his  own  lies. 

19.  Blood-feud  between  Edom  and  Jacob  :  more  Aramoean 
alliance  is  the  result. 

20.  Again  idyllic  pictures  of  shepherds,  loves,  blood- 
kinships,  strife  in  the  harem,  superstitious  love-potions,  and 
tribe-origins. 

21.  Eastern  ways  in  bargains  and  hire  :  Jacob's  cunning. 

22 .  Jacob's  exodus  from  Aram  :  his  altar  and  sacrifice  with 
craft  outwit  those  of  his  father-in-law,  Laban.  Origin  of 
Gilead,  or  Mizpah,  discussed  :  this  Mizpaii  is  the  third  central 


222  APPENDIX   I 

sanctuary  in  the  story.     It  is  an  east  Jordan  sanctuary ;  cf. 
Gen.  1.  10  f.  ;  and  Joshua  xxii.,  especially  v.  27. 

23.  A  treaty  with  gifts  between  Edom,  the  land  of  Seir, 
and  Jacob. 

24.  The  origin  of  the  honourable  name  "  Israel"  to  replace 
the  dishonourable  one  "Jacob"  explained  by  a  theophany  : 
also  an  earnest  effort  of  Israel  to  grasp  the  character  of  Yahweh. 
The  origin  of  a  sacrificial  custom  is  also  referred  to  this  period. 

25.  The  Edomite  and  the  Israelite  trioes  meet  in  peace  :  and 
then  finally  their  courses  in  the  world  diverge.  A  list  of 
Edomite  sheiks  is  given. 

26.  A  Sliechemite  effort  at  marriage  alliance  with  Israel  is 
bitterly  resented  by  the  tribes  Simeon  and  Levi.  Is  this  an 
echo  of  jealousy  of  the  old  Shechem  sanctuary  ?  Note  that 
Levi  is  a  leader  in  the  attack. 

27.  The  sanctuary  specially  called  Beth-El  (house  of  deity) 
with  its  sacred  pillar  is  traced  to  a  theoi3hany,  when  Israel 
grasps  the  ancient  ideal  of  empire  as  his  own  hope.  This  is 
the  fourth  great  central  sanctuary  in  the  story. 

28.  Benjamin's  origin  near  Ephrath,  amid  sorrow. 

29.  Keuben's  impurity. 

Judah's  likewise  and  his  dishonourable  posterity. 

Joseph  is  described  as  honoured  from  boyhood  by  the 
rightful  authority  of  the  clan,  and  therefore  envied  by  his 
fellow  tribes.  Judah  defends  him.  Yet  he  has  to  endure 
slavery  through  the  connivance  of  the  Ishmael  tribe.  He  is 
slave  to  the  Egyptians.  Prosperity  follows  him.  He  is  made 
a  priest  in  Egypt,  becomes  a  seer,  then  a  prince  next  to  the 
Pharaoh,  wisely  conducting  the  state  through  a  famine. 

3  '.  All  Israel  migrates  to  Egypt  for  food,  and  the  prince 
Joseph  gradually  reveals  himself.  Judah  is  meanwhile  their 
truly  noble  chief  and  spokesman.  Special  favour  is  shown  to 
Benjamin  at  first ;  but  ultimately  he  drops  almost  out  of 
notice.  Joseph  seems  to  practise  divination  with  a  drinking 
cup. 

31.  The  migrating  Hebrews  settle  in  a  district  called 
Goshen,  to  be  well  away  from  the  Egyptians  who  are  said  to 


THE   YAHWISTIC   NAKKATIVE  223 

abominate  all  such  as  use  herds  and  flocks  as  means  of  life. 
Some  become  Pharaoh's  cattle  keepers.  All  find  food  and  a 
new  home. 

32.  Joseph,  the  Hebrew  prince  in  Egypt,  is  described  as 
founder  of  a  system  of  royal  ownership  of  all  land  except  that 
of  the  priests,  the  land  being  let  by  the  crown  to  agricult- 
urists at  a  rent  of  one-fifth  of  the  produce. 

33.  The  dying  patriarch,  Jacob,  chants  his  last  wishes  and 
blessings,  and  prophesies  thus  : 

i.  Ephraim  is  to  advance  to  be  the  foremost  representative  of 
Joseph — by  another  peculiar  disregard  of  primogeniture. 
ii.  Reuben  is  to  fail  through  lust-worship. 

iii.  Simeon,  and  Levi  who  seems  added  here  as  if  he  were  not 
originally  a  really  independent  Hebrew,  are  undesirable 
men  of  war  and  violence. 
iv.  Judah  is  to  be  a  ruling  and  law-giving  tribe  up  to  a  dreadful 
day — but  the  text  here  becomes  hopelessly  obscure.    Does 
it  mean  "  until  Solomon  come  "  ?     The  Yahwist  tells  the 
story  to  that  date  and  then  ceases.     Why  ?     Did  he  think 
the  separation  of  the  kingdoms  Avas  the  end  of  the  steady 
rise  of  Hebrew  story  ? 
V.  Zebulun  is  to  be  a  sea-coast  folk  near  Sidon. 
vi.  Issachar  is  to  be  comfortable,  but  conquered  and  tributary. 
vii.  Dan  is  to  be  a  source  of  Judges,  and  also  serpent-like. 
viii.   Gad  is  a  ''  trooping  "  folk, 
ix.  Asher  shall  be  blessed  and  a  royal  abode, 
X.  Naphtali  is  to  be  fair. 

xi.  Joseph  is  to  be  the  richest  of  all.     Though  many  try  to  hinder 
him,  yet  the  god  Shaddai  will  give  him  all  bliss  in  posses- 
sions and  populousness. 
xii.  Benjamin  is  to  be  always  preying,  like  a  wolf. 

So  the  patriarch  dies.  He  is  embalmed  in  Egyptian  fash- 
ion and  buried  in  Canaan.  A  great  mourning  service  is  held 
on  the  east  of  Jordan.  This  seems  to  be  another  glorifying 
of  the  third  great  sanctuary.     See  22  above. 

(Here  ends  the  Story  of  Origins. ) 


224  APPENDIX  I 


2.   The   Epic   of  the  Exodus. 

34.  A  whole  age  passes.  The  Hebrews  multiply  in  Goshen 
greatly.  A  Pharaoh  is  crowned  who  is  unaware  of  the  Joseph 
epoch  ;  he  enslaves  the  Hebrews  in  various  ways,  especially 
in  making  them  build  the  cities  of  Pitliom  and  Eaamses. 

35.  The  future  deliverer,  a  child  of  Pharaoh's  court,  wan- 
ders in  Midian  as  an  exile.  He  marries  into  the  family  of  the 
priest  of  Yahweh  there.  There  is  another  fine  scene  by  a 
well,  with  shepherd  maidens. 

36.  Yahweh  leads  the  deliverer  back  to  Egypt.  On  the  way 
he  has  two  theophanies,  especially  at  the  fifth  great  sanctuary 
and  central  point  of  story  in  the  mountains  of  Sinai. 

One  theophany  is  given  as  an  explanation  of  the  circumcision  of 
bridegrooms.  The  second  describes  a  vision  of  flame  passing 
through  a  sacred  thorn-tree :  and,  thereupon,  Moses  grasps  his 
ideal  and  his  life  purpose,  which  is  :  to  emancipate  the  Hebrews 
and  lead  them  to  Canaan ;  to  win  the  Hebrew  elders'  confidence  by 
peculiar  signs,  one  of  which  is  notably  connected  with  the  Nachash 
totem  and  serpent  divinations ;  and  to  demand  from  the  Pharaoh 
liberty  for  a  three  days'  pilgrimage  to  this  Yahweh  sanctuary  (Sinai 
or  Qadesh). 

37.  Moses's  return  to  Egypt ;  with  pictures  of  brick-making 
and  the  whitening  of  the  bricks  with  stubble  ;  also  a  mutiny 
of  Hebrews  against  Moses,  because  his  request  to  Pharaoh 
has  been  punished  by  cruelty  to  them. 

38.  At  Moses's  prayer  to  Yahweh  amid  this  trouble,  there 
follows  a  severe  poisoning  of  the  Nile  waters,  which  Moses  in- 
terprets as  sent  from  Yahweh  who  is  truly  a  god.  This  is 
the  first  plague  and  sign.  There  were  in  all  seven  such 
plagues  :  all  of  them  natural  Egyptian  evils. 

39.  After  seven  days,  Moses  declares  that  swarms  of  frogs 
will  come  as  a  second  plague  from  Yahweh.  The  frog-swarms 
come.  Pharaoh  yields.  At  Moses's  intercession  the  plague 
ceases.  But  now  the  monarch's  self-importance  revives,  and 
he  refuses  to  keep  his  promise. 


THE   YAHWISTIC   NARRATIVE  225 

40.  By  an  inspiration  from  Yahweh,  Moses  declares  that 
the  swarms  of  the  dog-fly  that  invade  and  plague  Egypt,  but 
shall  avoid  and  spare  Goshen  and  the  Hebrews,  are  a  third  act 
of  Yahweh.  The  flies  come  and  Pharaoh  says,  "  Sacrifice : 
but  do  so  here  in  Egypt."  Moses  declines,  for,  says  he,  "the 
sacrifice  would  disgust  the  Egyptians."  So  Pharaoh  yields  : 
Moses  intercedes  :  the  dog-flies  pass  away  :  but  Pharaoh  is 
again  self-important  and  obstinate. 

41.  By  another  inspiration  Moses  declares  that  a  fourth 
plague  which  will  come  deadly  to  the  cattle  of  Egypt,  while 
Goshen  escapes  is  really  from  Yahweh.  Pharaoh  is  self-im- 
portant again,  perhaps  through  jealousy. 

42.  A  fifth  plague,  a  terrible  storm,  comes  in  due  season, 
ruining  Egypt's  precious  crops.  Pharaoh  is  much  humbled, 
acknowledging  that  this  is  from  Yahweh,  and  is  spared  further 
storm.  A  note  describes  how  the  early  crops  were  ruined,  but 
the  later  ones  were  spared.  Pharaoh  again  fails,  and  is  self- 
important. 

43.  Similarly  the  sixth  plague,  that  of  locusts,  visits  Egypt, 
Moses  claiming  it  as  Yahweh's  work.  Pharaoh's  slaves  re- 
monstrate with  their  lord.  Pharaoh  yields.  He  contends  with 
Moses  over  terms,  and  will  let  only  grown  men  go  to  the 
sacrifice.  Finally,  he  drives  Moses  out.  The  Yahweh- wind 
brings  the  locusts.  Pharaoh  yields.  The  locusts  go.  Pha- 
raoh bargains  again,  saying  "  Go  !  but  only  persons,  no  cattle." 
He  says  he  will  kill  Moses  if  he  show  himself  again. 

44.  New  and  awful  inspiration  rises  in  Moses :  all  Egyp- 
tian first-born  are  to  die.  This  is  to  be  the  seventh  judgment. 
This  will  prove  to  all  who  Yahweh  is,  and  it  will  end  the 
oppression.     Moses  goes  away  from  the  palace  in  wrath. 

45.  Moses  ordains  a  Pasch  (passover)  or  a  blood  covenant 
with  Yahweh  that  he  may  pass  over  them  when  he  comes  with 
the  final  deadly  plague.  The  terrible  death  falls  in  all  Egypt. 
The  Egyptian  king  and  folk  hasten  the  Hebrews  away. 

It  is  an  awful  night  of  watching,  truly  a  Yahweh-night  to 
be  remembered.  So  all  Hebrew  first-born  are  henceforth  to 
be  devoted  to  Yahweh  ;  and  since  the  haste  compelled  the 


226  APPENDIX   I 

use  of  unleavened  bread,  therefore  here,  says  the  writer,  orig- 
inated the  rite  of  Unleavened  Bread  at  the  Feast  of  the 
Spring-time. 

46.  A  Song  on  that  Day. 

The  constant  sacrificial  fire  and  smoke  are  to  be  the  symbol 
of  Yahweh's  ever-present  guidance. 

47.  The  narrative  is  resumed.  Pharaoh  regrets  his  yield- 
ing :  he  arms  his  hosts  and  pursues  the  Hebrews.  They  are 
terrified  and  mutiny,  and  would  run  into  Pharaoh's  arms. 
Moses  is  heroic  in  faith  that  Yahweh  is  sure  to  save.  The 
sacrificial  fires — emblems  of  Yahweh — are  moved  to  the  rear 
of  the  camp,  dazzling  the  Egyptians  and  defending  the 
Hebrews.  A  strong  wind  dries  a  shallow  water  stretch  :  the 
Egyptians  seem  to  take  its  bed  for  a  road.  They  turn  to  flee. 
A  strong  wind  raises  the  waters,  which  engulf  them.^ 

48.  The  writer  notes  that  this  time  would  be  the  origin  of 
a  well-known  "Song  of  the  Triumph  of  Moses,"  which  he 
quotes. 

49.  The  march  in  the  steppe  begins ;  first,  from  the  sea  of 
Keeds  to  the  Shur-steppe,  where  trouble  rises  because  there 
are  bitter- waters.  By  a  divine  inspiration  to  strike  the  water 
with  a  certain  sort  of  wood,  it  is  made  drinkable.  The  march 
proceeds  to  an  oasis,  blessed  with  plenty  of  water  and  palm 
trees.  At  the  next  place  there  is  again  a  water-famine  and 
the  people  try  Yahweh.^ 

50.  Here  Moses  is  near  the  home  of  his  father-in-law,  the 
priest  of  Midian,  who  listens  to  the  story  of  the  escape,  and 
chants  his  song  of  faith  in  Yahweh  as  the  overlord  of  all  gods. 

51.  We  reach  now,  again,  the  fifth  sanctuary  or  great  central 
point  of  the  story,  i.e.,  the  Mountain  of  Sinai,  commonly 
called  **  The  Mountain,"  which  is  Yahweh's  place  for  touching 

'  It  is  notable  that  the  Yahwist  does  not  make  the  Hebrews  cross 
the  bed  of  the  reedy  sea.  It  is  the  Egyptian  army  that  tries  to  do 
80  in  their  hasty  pursuit. 

'This  use  of  the  word  "try"  (nOD)  is  important  and  is  char- 
acteristic of  tlie  Yahwist.  AVith  him  the  people  "  try  "  Yahweh  : 
whereas  in  the  Elohistic  story  Yahweh  "tries"  the  people. 


THE   YAHWISTIC   NARRATIVE  /?27 

earth.  It  is  described  as  cloudy  and  fiery.  Moses  is  inspired 
to  ascend  ;  but  he  is  then  bidden  go  down  again  to  warn  all 
the  people,  and  even  the  priests  of  Yahweh,  not  to  come  near 
the  Mountain.  However,  he  then  summons  his  brother, 
Aaron,  and  also  one  Nadab  (Generous  one)  and  one  Abihu  and 
seventy  other  elders  to  ascend  with  him.  They  all  ascend  and 
see  the  god  of  Israel  and  feast  with  him.  The  floor  where  he 
sits  is  sapphire-coloured,  like  a  blaze  of  lightning. 

52.  By  inspiration  Moses  ascends  again  all  alone  and  pro- 
claims "The  Name  Yahweh."  Yahweh  utters  certain  great 
sounds  in  his  presence,  which  Moses  carves  on  two  stone 
tablets  that  he  has  prepared.  The  utterances  are  interpreted 
as  the  following  Declaration  of  Agreement  and  Instruction  : 

A.  Declaration  of  Agreement : 

Yahweh  is  the  Great  Performer :  his  deeds  for  Israel  shall 
be  amazing  to  all  men.  This  is  the  promise  which  he 
makes  on  his  part. 

B.  They  shall  agree  on  their  part  to  the  following  : 

I.  To  worship  no  other  deity  besides  Yahweh,  who  is  El-Qanna, 
the  ever-jealous  deity. 
II.  To  make  no  molten  images  of  deity  for  themselves. 

III.  To  devote  all  first-born  creatures  to  Yahweh,  either  slaying 

them  or  redeeming  them. 

IV.  Only  for  six  consecutive  days  is  there  to  be  any  slave-toil : 

on  the  seventh  there  is  to  be  a  sort  of  worship  of  the 
"  Cutting-oflf  "  as  something  connected  with  Yahweh. 
V.   A  dance-festival  and  a  week  of  unleavened  bread  are  to  be 
held  at  the  time  of  the  spring  moon,  to  commemorate 
the  flight  from  Egypt. 
VI.  A  dance-festival  is  to  be  held  at  the  end  of  the  corn-harvest : 
and   one   at  the  end   of  the   year  {i.e.,  at  the  grape- 
harvest). 
VII.  Yahweh's  slaughter-feasts  are  to  be  kept   absolutely  pure 
from  all  leaven  (fermentation,  putrefaction  ?).' 
VIII.  At  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  or  passover  alL  the  flesh 
must  be  eaten  up  in  the  same  night. 

1  Cf.  Smith,  Rel.  Sent.,  203. 


228  APPENDIX  I 

IX.  All  first-fruits  of   agricultural  produce  are  to  be  used  in  a 

Yahweh  service. 
X.  Kid-flesh  sacrifices  are  not  to  be  prepared  in  goat's  milk.^ 

Moses  is  absent  in  Sinai  forty  days  while  preparing  the  in- 
scribed tablets. 

53.  The  people  meanwhile  mutiny  and  riot :  Moses  pleads 
with  Yahweh  that  they  may  be  spared  the  judgments  they 
deserve.  Descending  to  the  camp,  he  summons  all  who  have 
remained  faithful  to  help  in  a  slaughter  of  the  offenders. 
The  Levi-clan  hasten  to  obey  the  summons,  and  destroy  a 
great  number.  Moses,  therefore,  appoints  these  as  a  special 
Yahweh-guard  for  ever.^ 

54.  Here  follows  a  thoroughly  anthropomorphic  but  fine 
picture  of  a  controversy  between  Yahweh  and  Moses.  Yah- 
weh is  at  first  angry  and  revengeful ;  then  he  is  obstinate, 
then  yielding,  and  at  last  he  grants  a  special  vision  of  his 
character  and  even  his  form  to  Moses.  The  deliverer  is  anx- 
ious, and  even  vexed,  then  he  pleads  till  at  last  he  prevails, 
and  he  sees  the  great  vision.  He  sees  the  face  that  is  to  go 
for  ever  with  the  people,  patient,  forgiving  and  restoring. 
He  utters  a  great  cry  of  recognition,  adoration,  and  faith. 
Religiously  viewed,  this  is  perhaps  the  highest  point  in  the 
whole  document. 

55.  Moses  invites  his  father-in-law,  the  priest  of  Midian, 
to  accompany  the  Hebrews  to  the  desired  land ;  but  he  de- 
clines. 

56.  They  march  :  in  front  is  carried  a  casket  containing 
Yahweh's  "  Agreement "  with  them,  and  Moses  addresses  it 
as  the  Present  and  Leading  Yahweh. 

57.  Another  mutiny  and  clamour  for  flesh-food  is  raised  by 
the  "riff-raff"  camp-followers.  They  despise  the  provided 
**  Man "  food,    which  is   here   described.     There   comes  an 

'  Many  primitive  people  regard  milk  as  a  kind  of  equivalent  of 
blood.     Smith,  Rel.  Sem.,  1894,  p.  221. 

^  It  is  notable  that  the  Yahwist  gives  such  a  military  origin  to  the 
Levi-priesthood.     This  recalls  No,  26  above. 


THE   YAHWISTIC   NARRATIVE  229 

enormous  flight  of  quail  down  the  wind.  The  people  gather 
and  eat  some,  and  preserve  some.  A  plague  breaks  out,  and 
many  dead  are  buried. 

58.  Arrived  at  certain  villages  south  of  Hebron,  Moses 
sends  spies  into  Canaan.  They  report  the  Neghebh-land  near 
Hebron  a  rich  land,  but  the  cities  strong,  and  that  men  of 
the  Anaq  (necklace)  tribe  dwell  there.  The  peoi)le  are  in 
terror  and  mutiny  again.  Kaleb  (Dog),  one  of  the  spies,  is 
the  only  fearless  man  :  he  is  full  of  trust  in  Yahweh,  and  so 
he  stills  the  folk.  Moses  is  inspired  to  pronounce  a  judg- 
ment against  the  sin  of  mutiny.  All  the  mutineers  shall  die 
in  the  steppes,  and  see  nothing  of  Canaan.  Kaleb  alone  is  to 
enter  the  promised  land.  All  this  is  probably  to  be  taken  as 
occurring  at  Kadesh,  the  sixth  sanctuary  and  central  point  of 
the  story. 

59.  Again  there  is  a  mutiny,  led  by  one  Korah  and  a  Philis- 
tine, with  a  band  of  important  men.  Their  complaint  is  that 
the  people  are  not  led  on  to  agricultural  life  in  Canaan,  but 
remain  nomads  in  the  steppes.  Moses  insists  that  he  is  not 
seeking  to  be  a  nomad  sheik,  but  is  following  divine  inspira- 
tion. There  comes  a  fearful  earthquake  :  the  mutineers  are 
swallowed  up  in  a  chasm,  and  go  down  to  Sheol. 

60.  A  series  of  stages  are  recorded,  including  perhaps  a 
misplaced  reference  to  the  water-mutiny  at  Kadesh  whence 
the  spies  went  out  to  the  Negliehh  :  a  victory  over  a  prince 
Arad  of  the  Negliehh^  who  attacked  the  people  but  was 
utterly  destroyed  :  also  a  well-scene,  to  which  is  attributed 
the  origin  of  a  noted  song :  thence  the  way  by  Mattan, 
Nachali-El  and  Bamoth  to  the  Moabite  valley  lands. 

61.  The  wanderers  dispossess  certain  Amorites  of  the  east 
of  Jordan.  Moab  is  afraid,  and  leagues  with  Midian  to  op- 
pose them.  These  two  peoples  invite  a  Yahweh-prophet  of 
Midian,  one  Balaam  by  name,  to  curse  Israel  for  them.  Pro- 
fessing entire  submission  to  Yahweh,  Balaam  goes  with  his 
two  lads,  but  Yahweh  is  hotly  angry  against  him  and  plants 
himself  in  the  way  as  a  "■  Satan."  The  ass  sees  Yahweh:  Ba- 
laam does  not.     The  ass  speaks  :  Balaam  is  startled,  and  is 


230  APPENDIX  I 

subdued  as  he  sees  that  Yahweh  is  dealing  with  him.  He 
goes  to  Moab,  but  it  is  to  bless  Israel.  His  oracle  is  a 
singular  production.  The  seer  is  pictured  as  very  conceited. 
He  proclaims  the  fall  of  Agag,  Israel's  Amalekite  enemy  of 
the  days  of  Saul,  and  a  great  exaltation  of  Israel.  The  Moab- 
ite  prince  demurs  to  all  this ;  but  Balaam  only  sings  on  more 
fully  his  oracle  of  Israel's  supremacy  over  Moab. 

62.  Worship  of  certain  deities  supposed  to  delight  in 
sexual  revelries  arises  through  contact  with  Moab.  Women 
are  the  leaders  in  the  worship.  Moses,  moved  by  inspira- 
tion, hangs  all  the  chiefs  for  this  sin  in  front  of  a  sun-deity. 

63.  The  clans  of  Keuben  and  Gad  prefer  to  settle  in  the 
east  Jordan  lands.  They  promise  a  war-league  with  the  other 
Hebrew  tribes,  so  long  as  they  are  needed  to  help  in  con- 
quering the  west  Jordan  country. 

64.  The  Machirites,  descended  from  Joseph  through  Manas- 
seh,  take  possession  of  part  of  Gilead,  subduing  the  Amorite 
inhabitants. 

65.  Here  follows  a  poem  called  **  Moses's  Blessing."  It 
celebrates  the  actual  subduing  and  settlement  of  Canaan. 
Then  it  wishes : — 

For  Reuben,  long  endurance  ; 

For  Simeon,  divine  revelations  ;  ^ 

For  Levi,  the  office  of  Torah-girer  and  sacrificial  leader,  as  a  re- 
ward for  loyalty  to  Yahweh. 

For  Judah,  blessings  of  wealth ;  and  also  deliverance  from  oppres- 
sion.^ 

For  Benjamin,  that  Yahweh  dwell  beside  him. 

For  Joseph,  all  kinds  of  wealth,  from  the  land  and  from  the  sea- 
sons and  the  stars,  and  special  favour  from  the  Thorn-bush  deity, 
the  god  of  Seneh  (or  Sinai),  all  to  distinguish  him  above  his 
fellow  Hebrews 

For  Zebulun,  successful  expeditions. 

'  This  is  remarkable.     Was  the  author  a  Simeonite  ? 
'  This  shows  knowledge  of  the  Davidic  dynasty  and  of  the  situa- 
tion of  its  sanctuary  near  these  two  tribes. 


THE   YAHWISTIC   NARRATIVE  231 

For  Issachar,  wealth  through  fishing  and  coast  life,  and  a  much- 
honoured  sanctuary  in  their  tribal  territory.' 

For  Gad,  great  distinctions,  chieftaincy,  over  peoples,  the  posi- 
tion of  law-giver,  also  large  populousness  :  all  this  through 
lion-like  deeds  of  war  and  violence,  and  through  strict  adher- 
ence to  Yahweh  morals. 

For  Dan,  fierceness  with  wandering  warlike  ways. 

For  Naphtali,  wealth  from  the  sea  and  the  lower  slopes  of  Lebanon. 

For  Asher,  rich  wealth  from  mines,  for  unmeasured  ages."^ 

The  panegyric  ends  with  a  tribute  of  praise  to  Yahweh, 
the  god  of  Jeshurun  or  Israel.  He  is  a  sky  god,  a  cloud 
god,  an  eastern  god.  He  has  ejected  peoples  to  provide  his 
own  people  with  a  country,  where  they  dwell  quite  apart  from 
other  nations.     He  has  been  a  saving  god  and  a  warrior-god.^ 

66.  The  record  of  the  belief  that  Moses  disappeared  in  the 
mountains  northeast  of  the  Dead  Sea ;  that  it  was  Yahweh 
who  carried  him  away ;  that  Yahweh  showed  him  from  the 
mountain-top  the  west  Jordan  lands,  and  then  buried  him 
near  a  sanctuary  of  the  sex-god  Peor,  overlooking  those  lands, 
as  if  to  witness  thence  the  fulfilment  of  the  pledge  and  gift 
of  this  land  to  the  Hebrews. 

Here  ends  the  Story  of  Deliverance  from  subjection  to 
Egypt. 

3,   The  Epic  of  the  Settlement  West  of  Jordan,  under  Joshua. 

67.  A  record  of  belief  that  circumcision  of  all  Hebrews 
was  performed  by  Joshua  under  inspiration  at  Gilgal  (roll- 
ing), which  is  the  seventh  notable  sanctuary,  just  after  the 
entry  into  the  west  Jordan  country,  and  that  it  was  a  token  of 
the  completed  rolling  away  of  the  shame  of  Egyptian  slavery." 

'  So  this  is  pre-Deuteronomic. 

"  All  these  indicate  the  author's  full  acquaintance  with  the  posi- 
tions of  the  tribes  after  they  have  got  well  settled  in  Canaan. 

'  The  idea  of  Yahweh  as  a  saviour  is  very  notable.  Thus  far,  his 
saving  is  eflFected  by  military  exploits. 

*  This  is  the  second  Yahwistic  explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  rite. 


VI    I    ^  .\  » •  I    \ 


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aan^  bM  tw^  «     •*r.ia 

^^iH^ir*  ^  K-hilorvsrd  Oftiw* 

m^    tb«  Pb«r  OuM  Bna^>       Akm>  ham  Hot^  a 

of  tWDo«ten 


.  :j*«  W-V-&  c/  Lsi  i£  iL* 


n  :«■<*>«:,  uj* 


TW  SMT  «r  *•  iimof  s 


THE  YAHWISTIC   NARRATIVE  233 

sites  attack  and  take  an  east  Jordan  region,  settling  along- 
side the  aborigines. 

(Probably  a  paragraph  concerning  Benjamin  and  Issachar  is 
lost.) 

73.  Zebulun  sits  down  beside  the  Qitronim  and  the  Nachlo- 
lim,  but  later  on  they  make  these  tributary. 

74.  So  Asher  does  with  the  aborigines  of  Acco,  Sidon,  etc., 
in  the  northwestern  land. 

75.  Naphtali  does  the  same  with  the  people  of  the  sanctuary 
of  the  sun  and  another  place  called  Beth-Anath.' 

76.  The  Amorites  press  the  Danites  very  hard  and  these 
move  off  to  another  place  called  Leshem.  They  take  this  and 
call  it  Dan.  The  Josephites  ultimately  make  tributaries  of 
the  resisting  Amorites. 

77.  The  writer's  theory  of  Yahweh's  pui-pose  in  letting  the 
aborigines  live  on  thus,  beside  the  Hebrews,  is  that  those 
natives  would  teach  Yahweh's  people  to  be  warlike. 

^.  Stories  of  Heroes  who  Saved  the  Ibhrim  {Hebrews)  in  Times 
of  Oppression  by  Surrounding  Peoples, 

78.  Record  of  the  removal  of  Yahweh's  Representative — 
whether  this  is  a  man,  or  a  vision,  is  not  said — from  Gilgal  to 
Beth-El.     So  Beth-El  becomes  a  great  chief  sanctuary. 

Ehud,  the  Geraite  of  Benjamin,  assassinates  Eglon,  sheik 
of  Moab,  the  overlord  over  the  Hebrews.  So  the  Moabites 
are  subdued  before  the  Hebrews  under  Ehud. 

79.  Of  Gideon,  the  Abiezrite,  who  is  inspired  by  a  Yah- 
weh  messenger,  in  the  days  of  the  Midianite  oppression  of 
the  Hebrews  and  their  sad  enfeeblement.  There  is  a  picture 
of  the  divine  theophany,  and  Gideon's  erection  of  an  altar  : 
of  his  gathering  a  little  band  of  barley-bread  eaters,  i.e.,  very 
poor  men  :  and  his  attack  on  the  Midianite  camp.  How  the 
tribes  of  Naphtali,  Asher,  and  Manasseh  come  and  help  him. 
The  Ephraimites  come  too  and  capture  "  Crow"  and  "  Wolf," 
two  Midianite  sheiks  ;  but  they  are  angry  at  being  summoned 

'  This  Anath  was  evidently  a  deity. 


234  APPENDIX    I 

to  do  tliis.     Gideon,  alias  J evuhhan},  soothes  them  ;  then  hav- 
ing delivered  Israel,  he  retires  quietly  to  his  home. 

80.  The  Canaanites  of  Shechem  rise  in  scornful  mutiny 
against  Abimelek,  the  son  of  Gideon  ;  but  he  hears  of  it,  and 
comes  down  on  them  unawares,  with  great  force,  and  subdues 
them.     Then  he  lives  on  quietly  among  his  people. 

81.  The  record  of  oi)pression  by  Philistines,  and  the  deliver- 
ance by  the  son  of  Manoah,  born  to  unexpectant  parents,  after 
strange  theophanies  at  a  sanctuary  in  Dan.  The  youth  is 
from  his  birth  an  ascetic,  religiously  pledged  to  drink  nothing 
intoxicating.  He  is  called  Samson  [Shimshon,  "He  of  the 
Sun").  He  has  peculiar  excitement  of  spirit  at  times,  and 
then  is  regarded  as  possessed  by  the  Yahweh  spirit.  He  loves 
a  Philistine  woman  and  insists  on  wedding  her.  On  one  of 
his  lover-visits,  he  tears  a  lion  in  pieces  that  meets  him  on 
the  way  ;  later  on,  he  finds  a  swarm  of  bees  and  quantities  of 
honeycomb  in  the  carcass.  At  his  wedding  he  makes  a  riddle 
of  this  ;  his  wife  induces  him  to  explain  it,  and  the  company 
ridicule  him.  He  takes  an  awful  revenge.  His  wife  is  with- 
held from  him  by  her  father  :  again  he  takes  terrible  ven- 
geance. The  oppressed  Hebrews  fear  the  consequences  of 
this  and  try  to  capture  him  :  his  great  strength  quite  out- 
does them,  and  he  works  again  murderously  among  the 
Philistines. 

He  loves  again,  and  it  is  again  a  Philistine  woman,  one 
Delilah.  All  attempts  of  the  Philistines  to  take  him  at  his 
lover-visits  fail  utterly  through  his  great  physical  power.  At 
last  he  lets  his  lover  shave  his  head,  and  then  his  strength 
wanes.  He  is  imprisoned  and  put  in  chains  ;  his  eyes  are  put 
out.  But  the  hair  grows  again,  and  the  strength  and  the  Yah- 
weh excitement  come  back.  The  Philistines  have  a  religious 
feast,  and  in  their  merriment  they  think  to  use  him  as  a  sport- 
maker  ;  but  holding  by  the  pillars  of  the  temple  balcony,  he 
bends  with  awful  vehemence,  and  the  building  falls,  destroy- 
ing a  great  company  of  his  tormentors  with  himself.' 

'  The  story  seems  to  be  an  adaptation  of  solar  myths  circling 
round  the  shrine  of  the  Sun-god  at  Baalbec. 


THE   YAHWISTIC   NAERATIVE  235 

82.  Concerning  a  Levite  who  lives  in  Epliraim,  and  whose 
wife  run  away.  When  the  husband  is  fetching  her  home, 
the  Benjaminites  of  Gibeah  abuse  him,  and  in  sodomite 
ways  they  put  the  woman  to  a  horrible  death.  The  man  sum- 
mons all  other  Hebrews  by  a  barbarous  message  to  avenge 
him.  The  Benjaminites  are  nearly  exterminated,  men,  women, 
and  children ;  only  a  few  warriors  escape.  For  these  men 
wives  are  obtained  by  rape,  at  a  sacrifice  festival  in  Shilo. 

All  this,  says  the  writer,  shows  how  there  was  little  or  no 
common  law  or  common  action  among  the  Hebrews,  and  how 
some  system  in  society,  and  mutual  agreements,  and  a  com- 
mon government,  and  indeed,  a  king,  were  sorely  needed. 

5.   The   Gilgal  Story  of  the  Kingdom. 

How  the  David-d.y nasty  arose,  how  the  nation  greio  great  and  be- 
gan to  regard  Jerusalem  as  the  centre  of  lawgiviyig  and  of 
religious  observances. 

83.  Of  Samuel,  the  Ephraimite  seer  and  priest;  how  he 
finds  Saul  of  Benjamin  seeking  lost  asses,  and  guides  him. 
How  an  inspiration  of  Yahweh  leads  this  Ephraimite  priest  to 
see  in  Saul  a  fit  king  for  Israel ;  how  he  has  him  share  in  a 
flesh-sacrifice,  and  then  anoints  him  "to  close  up  the  ranks 
among  Yahweh's  people,  and  to  save  them  from  all  enemies," 
giving  him  signs  that  will  confirm  this  oracular  call. 

84.  Saul  goes  home  :  all  the  signs  come  to  pass.  He  is 
filled  with  the  dervish -like  inspiration,  and  all  men  see  it, 
some  being  much  startled  by  the  sight.  The  wi'iter  thinks 
this  must  have  been  the  occasion  of  the  rise  of  a  well-known 
proverb.     Saul  conceals  the  story  of  his  anointing. 

85.  The  Ammonites  threaten  to  abuse  a  Hebrew  town  bru- 
tally. The  story  thrills  Saul :  the  spirit  of  the  gods  fills  him. 
He  commands  all  the  tribes  to  assemble  to  him  for  war  against 
Ammon.  He  is  magnificently  successful,  and  all  repair  to 
the  old  "Stone-heap"  sanctuary  at  Gilgal,  the  seventh  great 
sanctuary  (see  68),  and  with  sacrifices  there  they  make  him 
king. 


236  APPENDIX  I 

86.  Saul  forms  a  standing  army,  with  his  son  Jonathan  as 
his  lieutenant-general ;  at  once  these  throw  off  their  semi- 
allegiance  to  the  Philistines,  with  the  result  that  all  that  na- 
tions forces  are  gathered  for  a  re-conquest.  Many  Hebrews 
fly  in  terror  to  caves  and  rocks  for  hiding,  many  also  fleeing 
to  East  Jordan. 

87.  A  description  of  Saul's  little  army,  and  of  the  great 
triple  host  of  Philistines  and  of  its  disposition. 

88.  At  the  place  of  encounter  by  the  gorge  of  Michmash, 
Jonathan  and  his  servant  devise  a  single-handed  attack.  They 
scale  the  heights  and  reach  the  Philistine  camp.  Encouraged 
by  their  reading  of  signs,  they  leap  into  the  fortification,  and 
by  a  wild  attack  they  create  a  panic.  In  confusion  the  Phil- 
istines hew  down  each  man  his  neighbour,  while  all  beholding 
from  afar  count  it  a  visitation  of  the  gods. 

89.  Saul  discovers  what  is  happening  by  divination  with  a 
priestly  ephod  or  coat,  and  marches  to  the  victorious  attack, 
all  his  people  gathering  great  courage,  until  there  is  wide- 
spread carnage. 

90.  Of  Saul's  rash  vow,  and  order  to  abstain  from  food.  Of 
Jonathan's  unwitting  violation  of  this.  Of  the  people's  haste 
to  eat,  even  neglecting  religious  custom,  and  devouring  blood. 
How  Saul  builds  his  first  altar,  or  place  of  sacrifice.  The 
gods  are,  however,  supposed  to  be  ill  pleased.  By  divina- 
tion and  lots  the  king  concludes  that  his  son  Jonathan  is  the 
cause  of  this  displeasure,  and  he  proposes  to  kill  him ;  but 
the  people  deliver  him  from  his  father.  ' 

91.  The  Philistines  retire  and  leave  the  Hebrews  free.  Saul 
carefully  strengthens  his  standing  army. 

92.  How  the  Yahweh-spirit  ceases  to  inspire  Saul ;  but,  on 
the  contrary,  there  seems  to  hover  about  him  a  divine  spirit 
that  causes  him  terror.  To  ward  off  these  terrors,  the  king's 
servants  persuade  him  to  let  them  bring  a  harper  whose  music 
shall  soothe  him. 

'  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  word  Elohim  is  often  used  now  as  the 
general  designation  for  "  deities,"  but  the  name  Yahweh  is  still  the 
personal  name  for  the  Israelite  deity. 


THE    YAUWISTIC    NARRATIVE  237 

93.  They  find  a  man  of  skill,  son  of  one  Ishai,  known  as 
David  (Beloved),  who  is  a  cunning  harper,  and  also  a  great 
soldier,  wise  and  full  of  resource.  Saul  appoints  him  as 
his  physician,  and  learns  to  love  him.  David  plays  sweetly 
and  wondrously  when  Saul  is  troubled,  and  then  the  trouble 
ceases.  David's  wisdom  and  skill  in  affairs,  and  especially 
his  military  powers,  make  him  precious  to  Saul  and  a  favourite 
with  the  people. 

94.  But  the  people's  praise  of  this  assistant  makes  the  king 
jealous.  On  a  day  when  the  evil  mood  comes  on  and  David 
brings  in  his  harp  to  play,  Saul  hurls  a  spear  at  him,  and  David 
barely  escapes  death. 

95.  The  king  learns  that  his  daughter  loves  David;  so, 
in  his  ill-mood,  he  thinks  to  use  this  affection  for  luring  the 
gifted  man  to  destruction.  He  lets  it  be  told  David  that 
the  dowry  to  be  paid  for  the  princess  is  a  hundred  dead  and 
dishonoured  Philistines.  The  harper  is  himself  a  bloody  man, 
and  easily  kills  his  hundred  and  wins  his  royal  bride. 

96.  Saul  believes  that  Yahweh  favours  David ;  and  the 
people  grow  fonder  of  him.  The  king  becomes  afraid  of  him 
and  hates  him ;  but  the  man's  reputation  and  his  ''character- 
name"  (David,  Beloved)  become  more  firmly  established  at 
home  and  abroad. 

97.  David  flees  for  his  life.  He  takes  counsel  with  the 
king's  son  and  lieutenant-general,  who  refuses  at  first  to  be- 
lieve there  is  danger  ;  but  he  soon  learns  the  truth.  At  table 
Saul  asks  for  David.  Jonathan  says  that  David's  brother  has 
commanded  him  to  attend  a  family  sacrifice.  The  king  is  en- 
raged and  strikes  at  his  son,  which  is  a  serious  dishonour. 
Jonathan  hastens  to  bid  David  flee  away. 

98.  David  escapes.  He  establishes  himself  in  a  stronghold 
called  Adullam.  Round  him  gather  his  relatives,  and  a  whole 
band  of  men,  especially  such  as  are  in  any  misfortune.  So 
insurrection  begins. 

99.  David  intrusts  his  father  and  mother  to  the  kindly  care 
of  the  king  of  Moab. 

100.  Saul  hears  of  the  insurrection  and  frets  over  it. 


238  APPENDIX   I 

101.  One  Doeg,  an  Edomite,  reports  to  the  king  how 
Ahimelek,  priest  at  the  sanctuary  of  Nob,  has  aided  David. 
Saul  sends  for  the  priest  and  his  clan  and,  by  the  Edomite's 
hand,  for  all  others  of  his  slaves  refuse,  he  murders  them 
all  save  one,  Abiathar,  who  escapes  to  David. 

102.  David  attacks  the  Philistines  who  are  plundering  the 
town  of  Qeilah.  He  makes  divinations  with  an  ephod,  which 
encourage  him  ;  he  marches  to  the  attack  and  has  great  suc- 
cess.    He  stays  in  the  town  Qeilah. 

103.  Saul  learns  of  David's  stay  there,  and  plans  to  take 
him.  David  has  divine  guidance  and  retires  to  the  steppe 
and  to  the  mountain  fastnesses. 

104.  The  people  of  the  steppe  of  Ziph  plot  to  betray  David 
to  Saul.  David  moves  away  to  the  Jordan  gorge  (Arabah). 
The  two  leaders  evade  or  miss  each  other,  with  only  a  moun- 
tain range  between  them.  David  is  nearly  caught ;  but  Saul 
is  called  off  by  a  Philistine  raid. 

105.  David  is  in  a  fastness  among  the  haunts  of  the  cham- 
ois, near  the  Well-of-the-Kid.  Saul  pursues  him  again  to 
the  very  cave  wherein  David  and  his  men  lie  hidden.  David 
is  urged  to  strike  the  king  and  be  free,  but  reverence  for 
Tahweh's  Anointed  (Mashich)  restrains  him.  The  king  hears 
of  this  and  is  conscience-stricken ;  he  openly  acknowledges 
David's  goodness,  and  prophesies  Yahweh's  requital  of  such 
nobility. 

106.  Concerning  the  rich  churl,  a  Calebite  or  Dog-tribes- 
man, known  by  the  name  of  Nabal  (Empty-fool).  He  lives 
in  the  southern  vineland,  Carmel.  David  marches  against 
him.  The  man's  excellent  wife,  Abigail,  comes  with  food  to 
meet  David.  The  churl  dies  ere  long,  after  a  surfeit,  much 
terrified  on  hearing  into  what  danger  he  has  come. 

107.  David  woos  and  weds  Abigail.  He  marries  also  Ahi- 
noam  from  Jezreel ;  but  his  wife  Michal  is  given  by  Saul  to 
another  man. 

108.  David  is  weary  of  wandering  about  in  the  Hebrew 
land  to  escape  from  Saul.  He  goes  away  to  the  Philistine 
king  of  Gath.    This  prince  gives  him  Ziqlag,  which  is  thence- 


THE   YAHWISTIC   NARRATIVE  239 

forward  a  town  of  Judah.  David  wars  on  peoples  to  the 
south,  viz.,  Gezirites  and  Amalekites.  He  kills  every  living 
soul  to  prevent  reports  reaching  the  Philistines.  He  tells 
the  king  of  Gath  a  falsehood,  who  thinks  David  is  alienating 
himself  from  the  Hebrews.  On  a  day  when  the  Philistines  set 
out  to  invade  Israel,  and  David  professes  readiness  to  go  too, 
the  Philistine  princes  forbid  his  going,  declaring  he  will  be  a 
Satan  to  them. 

109.  On  returning  from  the  Philistine  gathering  place,  he 
finds  that  the  Amalekites  have  plundered  his  own  town, 
Ziqlag.  His  men  nearly  mutiny  in  their  despair.  He  divines 
with  the  priestly  ephod ;  and  feeling  encouraged  he  pursues 
the  spoilers,  kills  nearly  every  man  of  them,  and  saves  all 
that  had  been  lost.  Moved  with  indignation  at  the  selfish- 
ness of  certain  evil  fellows  in  his  troop,  he  utters  a  judgment 
which  passes  into  a  standing  statute  in  Israel  for  cases  of  di- 
vision of  spoil,  viz. ,  the  garrison  defending  the  home  posts 
shall  share  in  the  spoil  equally  Avith  the  troops  who  go  to  the 
front.  He  sends  also  shares  of  the  sjDoil  to  many  towns  of 
Judah. 

110.  The  story  of  the  Philistine  campaign  and  Saul's  fall 
and  death.  The  king  dares  not  ask  Yahweh  to  counsel  him  : 
he  has  long  ceased  to  receive  any  revelation  from  the  god  of 
Israel.  So  he  goes  to  a  woman  at  the  well  of  Dor  who  prac- 
tises incantations,  ventriloquism,  and  consultation  of  departed 
spirits.  She  professes  to  summon  up  the  now  long  dead 
prophet  Samuel :  the  supposed  speech  of  Samuel  is  a  fearful 
discouragement  to  the  poor  king,  who  is  already  well-nigh 
worn  out. 

111.  There  is  a  fierce  attack  of  Philistines  against  Israel  in 
the  mountain  range  of  Gilboa  and  many  Israelites  fall.  The 
king  and  three  of  his  sons  are  slain.  The  Philistines  dis- 
honour the  dead  king's  body  :  but  the  people  of  Jabesh-Gilead 
give  it  honourable  burial  under  a  sacred  tree  in  their  city. 

112.  How  David  hears  in  Ziqlag  of  the  death  of  Saul ;  and 
with  his  men  makes  a  great  lamentation  over  the  fallen 
prince. 


240  APPENDIX   I 

113.  The  writer  incorporates  here  a  fine  elegy  on  Saul,  at- 
tributing it  to  David.  The  song  seems  to  have  five  stanzas, 
and  a  somewhat  regular  refrain. 

114.  David,  relying  on  his  sense  of  divine  guidance,  pro- 
ceeds to  Hebron  with  his  following ;  he  is  received  royally 
by  all  the  tribe  of  Judah  and  is  made  their  king. 

115.  At  once,  as  king,  he  honours  significantly  the  town 
and  men  of  Jabesh-Gilead  who  had  honoured  King  Saul  even 
when  dead. 

116.  Meanwhile,  Saul's  surviving  son  and  heir,  Ish-Baal, 
takes  his  father's  crown  ;  there  is  a  bloody  struggle  between 
his  army  and  David's. 

117.  David's  power  increases  steadily. 

118.  Ish-Baal's  general,  Abner,  marries  a  concubine  of  the 
dead  Saul :  King  Ish-Baal  and  he  quarrel  over  this.  The  gen- 
eral deserts  to  David,  who  is  pleased;  David's  general,  named 
Joab,  is  jealous  and  assassinates  the  newcomer.  The  king 
and  people  of  Judah  sorrow  bitterly  for  Abner. 

119.  King  Ish-Baal  loses  prestige,  and  assassins  murder 
him  :  David  executes  the  murderers,  but  does  it  brutally. 

120.  The  Hebrew  tribes  unite  to  crown  David  king  over 
them  all :  Hebron  is  still  the  capital  city. 

121.  The  Philistines  of  the  coast  make  war  on  the  new 
ruler  :  he  believes  he  has  revelations  and  help  from  Yahweli : 
Reassured  thus,  he  meets  the  Philistines  and  defeats  them 
again  and  again  :  David's  troops  refuse  to  let  their  king  go 
into  battle  in  person. 

122.  Lists  of  David's  braves,  the  numbers  somewhat  con- 
fused :  A  fine  tale  of  their  devotion  to  David  is  added. 

123.  How  the  king  collects  a  large  army  from  all  Israel 
and  besieges  and  takes  Jerusalem  from  the  Jebusites  :  He 
makes  this  place  his  capital,  building  a  palace  for  himself* 
with  skilled  assistance  from  Tyre. 

124.  He  resolves  to  establish  a  Yahweh-sanctuary  in  his 
capital :  after  fears  and  delays  he  proceeds,  and  holds  a  sacri- 
ficial feast  and  dances,  in  which  he  takes  part  merrily  with  all 
the  people. 


THE   YAHWISTIC    NARRATIVE  241 

125.  How  the  king  extends  his  power  over  Aram  (Syria)  and 
Edom,  enslaving  the  people. 

126.  Lists  of  his  sons  by  his  six  wives  in  Hebron  ;  also 
of  the  concubines  he  took  after  he  came  to  Jerusalem  and  of 
the  sons  born  to  him  there. 

127.  Of  his  priests  ;  viz.,  Zadok  and  Abiathar  and  his  own 
sons.  His  scribe  is  also  named,  likewise  his  captain  of  the 
foreign  troops,  which  consist  of  Philistines  and  Cretans. 

128.  The  king  feels  divinely  inspired  to  hold  a  census. 
The  commander  of  the  troops  objects  ;  but  the  king  insists. 

129.  A  strange  uncertainty  seizes  David.  An  inspired  man, 
Gad,  predicts  trouble.  There  comes  a  pestilence,  which  is 
just  reaching  the  capital  when  it  is  averted  by  turning  a 
threshing-floor  into  the  new  altar  of  Jkrusalem.  This  is  the 
ninth  famous  sanctuary,  the  new  central  point  of  the  story. 

130.  A  famine  comes  also :  it  is  averted  by  appeasing  the 
Gibeonites  for  injuries  that  Saul  had  done  them.  David 
makes  for  Yahweh  a  horrible  sacrifice  of  seven  descendants  of 
Saul :  then  Yahweh  averts  the  famine. 

131.  David  seeks  for  any  other  descendant  of  Saul,  and  finds 
one  named  Merib-Baal,  a  lame  lad :  he  provides  him  with 
ample  support,  servants,  and  a  place  of  honour  at  the  royal 
table. 

(Thus  far  our  analysis  follows  the  translation  and  sections 
given  in  the  present  author's  Old  Test.  Theology,  vol.  ii.,  pp. 
85-277.  Henceforward  we  follow  largely  the  translation  of 
the  R.  V.) 

132.  2  Sam.  x.  1-xi.  1  (vss.  21-24  require  rearrangement). 
David  was  friendly  toward  the  Ammonites  :  That  nation  re- 
quited his  kindness  with  enmity :  They  leagued  with  Aram 
against  David :  Joab,  David's  general,  thoroughly  overcame 
those  allies  :  Aram  and  its  dependencies  tried  further  to  at_ 
tack  David,  but  were  utterly  beaten. 

133.  2  Sam.  xi.  2-xii.  7a,  9b,  10-25.  David  fell  into  adul- 
tery ;  procured  the  assassination  of  his  paramour's  husband 
and  then  married  her  :  The  inspired  man  judged  him  and  he 
did  not  resent  it :  The  first-born  of  this  marriage   died,  to 


242  APPENDIX   I 

David's  great  sorrow  :  The   next  born   son  was  Solomon  or 
Yedidh  Yah  (Yahweli's  Beloved). 

13i.  2  Sam.  xii.  27-31.  David  and  his  general  and  army- 
warred  against  the  Ammonites  and  conquered  them,  and  then 
treated  them  with  frightful  cruelty. 

135.  2  Sam.  xiii.-xiv.  24  and  xiv.  28-xix.  8a.  The  Absalom 
episode  :  Prince  Amnon's  rape  of  Prince  Absalom's  sister* 
and  Absalom's  murder  of  Amnon.  The  general,  Joab,  got 
Absalom  reinstated  in  his  father's  good-will.  Absalom  won 
large  attachment  and  then  made  a  revolution  :  David  had 
to  flee  ;  and  as  he  went  was  mocked  by  some  old  followers, 
but  cheered  by  others.  By  reason  of  conflicting  counsels  of 
his  advisers,  Absalom  was  moved  to  play  into  the  hands  of 
David's  friends  and  against  his  own  interests  ;  a  battle  ensued 
and  Absalom  was  utterly  beaten  :  He  fled,  was  caught,  and 
miserably  put  to  death  in  spite  of  David's  express  orders. 
The  king's  grief  over  Absalom  was  stayed  by  Joab's  remon- 
strance. 

136.  2  Sam.  xix.  8b-39.  The  king  returned  to  his  royal 
city  at  the  earnest  desire  of  the  people  :  he  generously  for- 
gave the  disloyal  and  rewarded  the  loyal  among  them. 

137.  2  Sam.  xix.  40-xx.  22.  Of  the  jealousy  between  the 
Israelite  part  and  the  Judahite  part  of  the  people  in  their 
regard  for  David  :  A  rebellion  grew  out  of  this,  led  by  a 
worthless  man,  Sheba,  Bichri's  son,  a  Benjaminite  tribes- 
man.     This  rebellion  was  put  down,  and  Sheba  put  to  death. 

138.  1  Kings  i.  and  ii.  (omit  ii.  2-4).  David  grew  old  and 
feeble,  and  one  of  his  sons,  Adonijah,  tried  to  take  the  king- 
ship, but  was  baffled.  Solomon  was  crowned  king :  the  old 
king  charged  the  new  to  put  to  death  certain  persons  and  to 
favour  certain  others  :  Solomon  carried  out  these  instructions, 
and  the  kingdom  was  established  in  his  hand. 

(Here  ends  what  may  be  counted  as  the  Yahwistic  Liter- 
ature.) 


APPENDIX   II 

ANALYSIS     OF   THE    ELOHISTIO   NABBA- 
TIVE' 

CIRCA    730    B.C. 

1.  The  Days  Before  the  Yahw eh- Character  was  Revealed. 

1.  The  first  paragraphs,  now  lost,  contained  probably  a 
tradition  or  picture  of  one  of  the  migrations  from  the  east. 

2.  One  man  is  supposed  to  have  become  the  exalted  father 
(Ab-Ram)  of  all  the  Ibhrhn  (Immigrators).  In  a  vision  he  is 
comforted  bv  the  Elohim  with  the  promise  that  his  posterity 
shall  be  as  many  as  the  stars  of  heaven,  although  they  may 
be  in  slavery  in  a  foreign  land  for  three  cycles  of  years.  They 
shall  ultimately  chastise  the  Amorite  people  of  Palestine 
for  certain  sins,  and  shall  dispossess  them.  Thus  does  the 
writer  sum  up  history  in  the  form  of  a  predictive  introduction 
to  his  tale,  as  he  looks  back  and  begins  to  write  down  his  con- 
ception of  how  things  must  have  occurred  in  the  long  past. 

Abram's  home  is  among  semi-nomads  at  a  southern  sanc- 
tuary (toward  the  Sinaitic  deserts) ;  he  lies  about  his  hand- 
some young  wife  to  save  his  own  life.  In  a  vision,  the 
Elohim  come  to  help  him  ;  and  a  certain  weight  of  silver  paid 
to  the  husband  by  the  innocent  offender  is  counted  a  satis- 
faction for  unchastity  toward  a  wife. 

3.  Abram's  wife  bears  him  a  son  :  the  Elohim  fills  both 
parents  with  laughter,  so  they  name  their  boy  Isaac,  i.e., 
"  He  is  to  laugh." 

4.  At  the  weaning  feast  another  son,  by  an  Egyptian  concu- 
bine,  laughs  too  joyously  to  please  this  young  and  jealous 

'  For  translation  and  paragrapliing  followed  in  this  analysis,  see  as 
before  the  present  author's  Old  Testament  Theology^  pp.  319  to  451. 

243 


244  APPENDIX   II 

mother  :  The  father,  by  the  counsel  of  the  Elohim,  turns  out 
this  lad  and  his  mother ;  and  they  nearly  die  of  thirst  :  The 
Elohim  sends  a  voice  from  the  sky  to  guide  the  mother  and 
boy  to  a  well :  The  boy  becomes  progenitor  of  the  Bedouin 
hunting  tribes,  the  Ishmaelites. 

5.  The  sanctuary  of  Beer-Sheba  ("Well  of  Seven)  gets  its 
name  from  a  treaty  made  there  with  the  aborigines  and  their 
king. 

6.  Abram  believes  that  the  Elohim  desire  and  accept 
sacrifices  of  children  slain  and  burned  at  a  certain  altar  far 
off  from  Beer-Sheba,  perhaps  in  the  Shechem  country.  But 
a  vision  and  voice  from  the  sky  at  that  sanctuary  alter  his 
mind,  and  he  believes  that  the  Elohim  can  and  do  change 
their  desire  concerning  feasts  with  men,  and  will  always  give 
suflScient  new  directions. 

7.  Isaac,  when  grown  old,  is  very  fond  of  certain  delicacies  : 
Excited  by  them,  he  gives  away  his  paternal  blessings,  which 
are  sometimes,  of  course,  of  serious  import :  His  wife  Re- 
becca unjustly  makes  a  favourite  of  her  second  son  ;  she  tells 
lies  at  the  risk  of  a  curse,  and  makes  him  lie  to  steal  the 
paternal  blessing  from  the  elder  son,  the  progenitor  of  the 
Edomites.  Her  favourite  is  Jacob  (Dogging  Supplanter), 
progenitor  of  Israel.  There  seem  to  be  woven  into  the  tale, 
or  used  as  its  motif,  some  fragments  of  old  folk-lyrics. 

8.  It  is  these  doings  that  cause  the  eternal  jealousy  and 
even  hatred  between  Edom  and  Israel. 

9.  Jacob  'vanders  as  a  nomad,  and  is  pictured  as  seeing 
in  a  vision  of  the  night  how  the  Elohim  send  messengers  to 
and  fro  between  the  sky  and  a  certain  sanctuary.  He  erects 
a  maeqeWiali  or  memorial  stone  there,  and  anoints  it  with  a 
libation  of  oil ;  declaring  how  he  has  thus  discovered  a  true 
House  of  the  Elohim.  Here,  also,  is  recorded  the  faith  that 
tithes  are  due  at  this  particular  sanctuary.  ^ 

10.  Jacob  is  allied  in  wedlock  with  the  Laban  family  ("the 
whitefolk"  or  "the  folk  among  the  Lebanon-mountain  re- 
gions ").    He  is  a  shepherd  slave  among  them  ;  but  he  con- 

*  This  sanctuary  was  no  doubt  at  or  near  Shechem. 


THE   ftLOHISTIC   NARRATIVE  245 

trives  by  cleverness,  wliicli  he  says  be  owes  to  the  Elohim,  to 
enrich  himself  out  of  his  father-in-law's  property.  The  father, 
in-law  grows  vexed  :  Jacob  escapes  with  his  four  wives,  his 
daughter,  and  eleven  sons  :  one  wife  steals  her  father's  sacred 
images  :  the  father  pursues,  but  in  a  vision  the  Elohim  work 
safety  for  Jacob :  a  treaty  is  drawn  up  and  another  macQe- 
bhuh  or  sacrificial  pillar  is  erected,  and  a  sacred  covenant- 
making  feast  is  held. 

11.  Jacob  enters  the  lands  west  of  Jordan  with  a  sense  of 
the  presence  of  the  Elohim  near  him  at  point  after  point 
or  sanctuary  after  sanctuary,  guarding  him  from  harm  by 
Edom,  and  even  showing  to  the  man  the  very  face  of  "El," 
i.e.,  deity. 

12.  The  settlement  of  Jacob  and  his  clan  near  Shechem  is 
described :  he  purchases  a  stretch  of  land  for  a  hundred 
silver  "  Qesiiahs  "  .•  the  new  sanctuary  on  this  ground  is  dedi- 
cated to  El-Elohe-Isea-El,  i.e.,  the  one  deity  who  is  the  Elo- 
him of  Israel.  Here  is  a  pointed  avoidance  of  the  use  of  the 
name  Yahweh  where  the  Elohists  must  have  been  hampered 
by  their  theory  that  the  name  was  not  known  until  the  Exodus. 

There  is  an  attempt  at  alliance  by  wedlock  between  the 
clan  Jacob  and  the  Shechemites.  The  Shechemite  clan  con- 
sent to  practice  circumcision,  as  Jacob's  people  do.  Notwith- 
standing Jacob's  agreement,  his  sons  hate  the  alliance  and 
attack  the  Shechemites  most  barbarously,  killing  or  robbing 
them  and  enslaving  their  wives  and  children.  This  seem«  to 
be  a  picturing  of  Jacob's  authorisation  by  the  war-god  fro  hoid 
the  ancient  sacred  Shechem. 

13.  By  inspiration  from  the  Elohim  the  Jacobite  clan  leave 
the  scene  of  their  barbarity,  and  settle  at  a  sanctuary  a  little 
distance  off,  which  their  father  had  discovered  in  his  youthful 
wanderings.  They  hold  certain  special  purifications,  espe- 
cially denouncing  the  Elohim  of  all  other  tribes.  They  be- 
come a  terror  to  all  those  tribes. 

14.  The  story  of  certain  graves  of  much-loved  women  of  the 
tribe  ;  and  of  a  sacred  oak  and  a  sacred  pillar  whicli  stand 
beside  those  graves :  also  concerning  one  of  the  clan  named 


246  APPENDIX    II 

Joseph,  a  young  shepherd,  who  receives  oracles  in  dreams, 
and  whom  his  fellow-clansmen  dislike  for  his  openness  and 
for  his  masterful  ideas. 

15.  When  he  brings  a  message  to  them  one  day,  they 
plot  to  murder  him.  The  eldest  brother,  Reuben,  saves 
him  and  hides  him  in  a  well.  Some  passing  Midianite  mer- 
chants find  him  and  thievishly  carry  him  to  Egypt.  The  dis- 
covery of  the  loss  of  Joseph  fills  Reuben  with  agony  :  the 
brothers  tell  Jacob  falsely  that  an  accident  has  befallen  him  : 
the  aged  father  laments  sorely  and  long. 

16.  Joseph  is  bought  by  Potiphar,  the  chief  Egyptian 
executioner,  who  is  well  pleased  with  him.  But  this  master's 
wife  is  enamoured  of  him  and  tempts  him.  Foiled  by  his 
uprightness,  she  wickedly  slanders  him  to  her  husband. 

17.  Certain  servants  of  Pharaoh,  who  are  imprisoned  and 
are  put  under  Joseph's  charge,  get  from  him  correct  inter- 
pretations of  their  dreams  :  Joseph  hopes  for  help  from  this 
circumstance,  but  hopes  vainly  for  many  a  day. 

18.  Pharaoh  has  a  dream :  Joseph  is  brought  to  interpret 
it :  he  attributes  his  ability  to  the  Elohim  :  he  interprets 
the  king's  dream,  and  predicts  a  time  of  plentiful  crops,  to  be 
followed  by  a  terrible  famine. 

19.  Pharaoh  appoints  Joseph  administrator  of  agriculture 
in  view  of  the  coming  anxieties  :  Joseph  stores  up  enormous 
quantities  of  grain. 

20.  Joseph  became  allied  by  wedlock  to  the  Egyptian 
priests  of  On,  "The  Sun."  He  begets  thus  Manasseh  and 
Ephraim,  which  tribes  are  thus  declared  by  the  writer  to  be 
partially  of  Egyptian  blood  although  the  same  writer  counts 
Ephraim  the  royal  tribe  of  Israel.     See  below,  paragraph  24. 

21.  Famine  reigns  everywhere,  but  Egypt  is  able  to  sell 
corn  to  all  people  through  the  wisdom  of  the  sultan  Joseph, 
The  Hebrew  brothers  come  also  to  buy  :  Joseph  knows  them, 
although  unknown  to  them :  he  feigns  severity,  imprisons 
one,  and  sends  the  others  home  with  hard  conditions  for  re- 
turn :  he  overhears  Reuben's  troubled  mention  of  their  sin 
done  toward  him  long  ago. 


THE    ELOHISTIC    NARRATIVE  247 

22.  Keubeu  manages  to  meet  the  sultan's  requiremients  :  so 
they  go  again  to  Egypt  :  their  father  Jacob  appeals  for  help 
to  the  deity  Shaddai  ;  while  otherwise  all,  including  Joseph, 
are  made  by  our  writer  to  speak  of  Elohim  in  general :  Joseph 
discovers  himself  to  his  brothers  with  kindest  expressions, 
attributing  even  their  cruelty  and  his  own  enslavement  to  the 
overruling  providence  of  the  Elohim. 

23.  The  monarch  Pharaoh  hears  of  all  this  and  is  pleased  : 
He  invites  the  Hebrew  men  and  their  father  to  come  and 
dwell  amid  the  best  that  Egypt  provides  ;  Jacob  has  doubts  : 
In  visions  the  Elohim  reveal  to  him  the  wisdom  of  going ; 
it  will  be  a  step  toward  national  greatness  ;  and  a  return  is 
sure.     He  goes ;  and  finds  great  comfort. 

24:.  Jacob  on  his  deathbed  prophesies  that  the  supremacy 
of  the  Ephraim  tribe  is  the  great  purpose  of  the  national 
Elohim.     See  above  paragraph  20. 

25.  The  brothers  join  in  seeking  forgiveness  from  Joseph, 
and  in  acknowledging  him  as  master.  He  lives  long  and 
gloriously  :  dying  he  predicts  a  return  to  Palestine,  and  or- 
dains that  his  own  body  be  taken  thither  for  final  burial,  when 
the  nation  shall  return. 

26.  In  a  later  generation  a  king  of  Egypt  takes  measures  to 
kill  all  new-born  male  Hebrews,  by  orders  given  to  the  two 
midwives  who  suffice  for  the  Hebrew  folk,  who  are,  therefore, 
not  at  all  numerous  :  the  plan  fails  ;  and  the  king  orders  the 
Egyptians,  in  whose  houses  the  Hebrews  live  as  slaves^  to  kill 
all  the  Hebrew  male  babes. 

2.   TJie  Revelation  of  the  New  Name  of  God. 

27.  A  certain  Levite  woman  conceals  her  new-born  son  for 
three  months :  Then  she  commits  him  to  the  Nile,  but  in  a 
water-proof  basket  :  The  royal  princess,  while  bathing,  finds 
the  child  and  saves  it :  She  intrusts  it  to  the  babe's  sister, 
who  is  watching.  When  he  is  grown,  the  princess  takes  him 
for  her  son,  calling  him  "  Moses," 

28.  The  lad  develops  manly  strength,  a  kind  heart,  patriot- 


248  APPENDIX   II 

ism,  and  withal  a  masterhil  way.  Pharaoh  hears  of  one  of 
his  deeds — he  had  killed  an  Egyptian — and  Moses  must  flee  : 
He  finds  safety  in  Midian. 

29.  He  marries  there  a  daughter  of  one  Jethro,  and  serves 
him  as  shepherd :  Thus  employed,  he  comes  to  a  sanctuary 
at  a  "  Burning  Mountain  "  (Horeb)  : '  There  he  hears  a  voice 
from  the  Elohim,  and  is  inspired  to  undertake  the  deliverance 
of  the  Hebrew  people  from  their  slavery  in  the  homes  of  the 
Egyptians.  He  is  convinced  that  he  is  to  lead  them  to  this 
very  sanctuary  in  Horeb. 

As  he  communes  with  the  Elohim  concerning  their  char- 
acter, and  wonders  what  he  shall  set  forth  to  the  Hebrews,  so 
as  to  win  their  tnist,  he  sees  that  they  must  not  be  guided  or 
infl[uenced  merely  by  what  they  have  known  of  the  Elohim, 
which  thus  far — thinks  our  writer — has  been  quite  general : 
They  must  look  for  future  manifestations  of  particularly  divine 
character,  power,  devotion :  Egypt  shall  yet  be  smitten  by 
the  hand  and  power  of  the  Elohim,  and  bow  before  the  He- 
brews :  the  masters  will  endow  with  jewels  the  slaves  whom 
they  set  free  until  like  conquerors  they  are  laden  with  spoil : 
The  anxious  Moses  is  cheered  by  the  expectation  of  meeting 
his  brother  :  There  is  a  certain  staff  which  Moses  seizes,  re- 
garding it  as  a  peculiarly  divine  rod  with  which  he  will  be 
sure  to  work  great  signs  before  Pharaoh.  Yet  the  Elohim 
will  nerve  Pharaoh  for  many  days  against  freeing  the  people. 
The  watchword  for  the  future  is  thus  given  in  this  faith. 
"The  name  and  character  of  our  god,  or  'El,'  among  the 
Elohim  is  to  be  *  Yahweh,'  i.e.,  '  He  is  to  cause  to  be  : '  for  he 
reveals  his  will  in  the  Oracle,  '  I  am  to  be  what  I  am  to  be.  '  " 

30.  Moses's  brother,  Aaron,  is  moved  to  go  to  find  Moses. 
They  meet,  embrace,  and  confer. 

31.  The  brothers  present  themselves  to  Pharaoh.  They  an- 
nounce to  him  that  the  Elohim  of  Israel,  who  is  now  named 
**  Yahweh  "  (' '  He  will  cause  to  be  "),  requires  Pharaoh  to  send 

'  This  "  burning  "  is  perhaps  the  beaming  of  red  sunlight  from 
the  granite,  or  it  may  be  the  playing  of  lightning  about  this  storm 
centre.     There  is  certainly  nothing  volcanic  signified. 


THE  ELOHISTIC   NAPwEATIVE  249 

away  the  Hebrews.  Pharaoh  laughs  at  them,  at  Yahweh,  and 
at  Israel.  He  orders  the  pair  to  cease  disturbing  tlie  Hebrews 
at  their  slave-service,  and  bids  them  be  off  to  their  own  slave 
duty. 

32.  Yahweh  now  declares  he  will  strike  terror  into  Pharaoh. 
He  sends  :  The  First  of  the  Five  Wonders  in  Egypt. — A 
poisonous,  blood-like  state  of  the  Nile  water  is  attributed  to 
Moses's  waving  aloft  the  divine  rod  :  Pharaoh  thinks  nothing 
of  it. 

33.  The  Second  Wonder. — At  once  the  deliverer  waves  the 
rod  again,  and  a  great  and  destructive  thunder  and  hail  storm 
is  sent  by  Yahweh  :  Pharaoh  holds  himself  together  in  terror. 

34.  The  Third  Wonder. — Immediately  again  at  Yahweh's 
inspiration  the  rod  is  stretched  out  and  a  miraculous  locust- 
pest  comes  :  Pharaoh's  terror,  or  clutching  firmly  at  his  own 
heart,  is  thus  caused  by  Yahweh. 

35.  The  Fourth  Wonder. — At  another  waving  of  the  rod, 
darkness  fills  all  Egyptian  houses,  while  strangely,  the  He- 
brew rooms  in  these  houses  have  light :  Yahweh  keeps  Pha- 
raoh still  in  clutching  terror. 

36.  The  Fifth  Wonder. — Another  terrible  scourge  is  to 
come:  Moses  feels  sure  by  divine  inspiration  that  now  the 
Pharaoh  will  yield,  also  that  the  Hebrews  must  take  spoil 
from  the  Egyptian  people  :  The  king  suddenly  hastens  the 
two  brothers  and  all  their  people  out  of  the  land  :  They  spoil 
their  old  masters,  who  wonder  at  them  and  at  their  leader. 

37.  A  route  is  chosen  by  the  inspiration  of  Elohim  :  the 
coast  is  avoided,  because  of  the  Philistines  :  They  march  in 
fifties  to  the  Sea  of  Eeeds  :  They  carry  the  coffin  containing 
the  remains  of  their  brother,  the  late  sultan  Joseph,  as  he 
had  desired.' 

38.  Pharaoh  recovers  his  courage.  With  a  troop  of  600  he 
chases  the  few  fugitives.     Moses  is  suddenly  inspired  to  great 

'  of.  Section  25,  above.  Thus  they  must  have  lived  near  the 
tombs  of  the  princes.  Indeed  the  Elohist  pictures  them  as  the  do- 
mestic slaves  of  the  Egyptian  families,  and  as  a  small  body  march- 
ing "  in  fifties." 


250  APPENDIX   II 

bravery.  A  person,  or  was  it  a  cloud,  or  some  other  visible 
thing,  a  gift  of  the  Elohim,  which  had  been  thus  far  in  front 
of  the  caravan,  moves  away  to  the  rear  between  them  and  the 
pursuers  :  The  people  regain  confidence  :  A  great  deliver- 
ance is  wrought :  Many  of  the  pursuers  are  drowned  :  The 
prophetess  Miriam  leads  a  band  of  playing  women  in  a  song 
over  the  deliverance. 

3.  New  Teaching  hy  Statutes. 

39.  Israel  now  receives  a  great  Statute  and  a  Great  Judi- 
cial Decision,  as  it  were  a  Magna  Gliarta  :  But  first  the  people 
are  tested,  whether  they  can  trust  Yahweh  to  give  them  meat 
and  drink :  He  rains  from  the  heavens  something  called 
*'  Man,''  of  which  they  are  to  eat  for  forty  years ;  and  they 
drink  water  which  pours  from  the  rocks  when  they  are  struck 
with  the  wonder-rod. 

40.  The  story  of  this  Statute-giving,  after  the  testing : 
Moses  goes  frequently  up  into  the  recesses  and  clouds  of  the 
Horeb  mountain,  and  communes  with  the  Elohim  :  He  pre- 
pares the  people  by  sexual  restraints  for  three  days  :  In 
a  storm  of  lightnings  and  thunderings  around  the  cloud- 
wrapped  mountain,  Moses  and  the  Elohim  converse  in  loud 
utterances  on  the  heights  :  The  thunderings  are  to  be  inter- 
preted as  ten  commands,  as  follows  : 

Prelude.  Yahweh  of  the  Elohim  is  to  be  counted  the  saviour  of  the 
Hebrews  from  Egypt, 
i.  No  other  Elohim  is  to  stand  before  him  to  obscure  his  face, 
ii.  No  carvings  of  deities  are  to  be  worshipped :  Yahweh  is  the 

EVER    JEALOUS    DEITY. 

iii.  The  character-name  Yahweh  is  to  be  sacred. 
IV.  The  day  of  Cdtting-off  (Sabbath)  is  to  be  devoted  to  Yah- 
weh worship. 
V,  Parents  are  to  be  honoured, 
vi.  Murder  is  forbidden, 
vii.  Theft  is  forbidden, 
viii.  Adultery  is  forbidden. 
ix.  Lying  is  forbidden. 
X.  Covetousness  is  forbidden. 


THE   ELOHISTIC   NARRATIVE  251 

The  dreadfiilness  of  the  scene  is  regarded  as  the  final 
'*  Testing  "  of  the  people. 

41.  Moses,  his  attendant  Joshua  (another  wonder-person), 
and  certain  elders  retire  into  the  mountain  :  After  a  long 
stay  they  are  about  to  return,  bringing  stone  tablets  en- 
graved with  the  Decalogue  and  additional  commands,  which 
are  regarded  as  carved  by  the  Elohim. 

42.  The  people  grow  weary  of  the  absence  of  their  leaders  : 
Aaron  makes  a  golden  casting  shaped  like  a  little  bull,  as  a 
symbol  of  the  deity,  Yahweh  :  They  hold  a  Yahweh  festival 
around  this  image. 

43.  The  leaders  returning  discover  all  this  :  In  anger  Moses 
dashes  the  tablets  to  pieces  :  He  smashes  the  idol  and  roundly 
reproves  his  brother  :  He  retires  again  and  prays  tenderly  for 
his  wayward  charge  :  He  feels  convinced  that  now,  not  Yah- 
weh himself,  but  only  his  messenger  will  accompany  the 
march  and  be  present  with  the  people.^ 

44.  The  people,  in  trouble  at  this  thought,  give  again  of 
their  gold  and  valuables,  as  they  gave  to  make  the  bull.  Moses 
makes  with  these  a  better  shrine  for  Yahweh,  but  plants  it 
outside  the  camp,  yet  7iear  it.  Thither  are  to  go  all  who 
would  commune  with  Yahweh.  Moses  acts  as  priest  at  this 
shrine,  aided  by  his  young  ministrant  Joshua. 

45.  The  priest  and  leader  Moses  brings  to  the  people,  as 
it  were  in  lieu  of  the  broken  tablets,  first  a  new  set  of  ten 
commands,  which  are  much  the  same  as  those  which  the 
Yahwistic  school  held  to  be  the  original  ones,  viz.  : 

i.  Silver  and  golden  images  of  the  Elohim  are  forbidden, 
ii.  Earthen  altars  or  altars  of  undressed  stone  are  to  be  made  at 

all  places  where  Yahweh  vouchsafes  a  theophany. 
iii.   In  every  seventh  year  all  land  is  to  lie  fallow. 

'  This  gives  us  in  reality  a  beautiful  record  of  the  rise  of  the 
faith  expressed  in  the  sentence  Immanu-El.  ("  With  us  there  is 
a  deity.")  Isaiah's  declaration  of  this  faith  was  made  about  the 
time  when  the  Elohistic  story  was  being  composed. 


252  APPENDIX   II 

iv.   Every  soA-enth  day  is  to  be  a  day  sacred  to  "  Cutting-off"' 

(Sabbath),  but  used  in  Yahweli's  worship. 
T.  There  are  to  be  three  Yahweh  festivals  in  the  year : 

1.  The   Festival  of   Unleavened   Bread  (The  End  of  the 

Old  Year's  corn  supplies). 

2.  The  Festival  of  First-fruits  of  grain  harvest. 

3.  The  Festival  of  Vintage-end. 

vi.  The  fully  blest  man  is  to  be  readily  generous, 
vii.  Every  first-born  son  belongs  to  Yahweh :  so  too  every  first- 
born animal, 
viii.  F'lesh  of  torn  animals  is  never  to   be   eaten   as  devoted  to 
Yahweh. 
ix.   Sacrificial  flesh  is  to  be  eaten  promptly  while  fresh. 
X.  No  kid  is  to  be  sacrificed  in  the  womb  of  its  dam. 

All  these  are  prescriptions  whereby  Yahweh  may  be  duly 
and  truly  worshipped.  Then,  secondly,  there  are  five  prom- 
ises of  reward  for  devotion  to  Yahweh : 

i.  Yahweh  will  be  their  ally  in  war. 
ii.  Yahweh  will  give  them  food  and  drink, 
iii,   There  shall  be  no  barrenness. 
iv.  Yahweh  Avill  send  wasps  to  drive  out  the  Amorite  aborigines 

from  Canaan.' 
V.  The  Israelite  boundaries  are  to  reach  from  the  Sea  of  Reeds  by 
the  Philistine  coast  line  to  the  Euphrates. 

46.  The  people  accept  all  these  prescriptions  and  promises. 
They  are  ratified  as  a  National  Covenant  at  a  great  sacrificial 
festival,  whereat  the  blood  of  the  victims  is  sprinkled  partly  on 
the  altar  or  slaying-place,  as  if  on  Yahweh  himself,  and  partly 
on  the  people  :  The  blood  is  the  binding  symbol  of  a  com- 
mon life  pervading  the  people  and  their  deity. 

47.  Moses's  father-in-law,  Jethro,  brings  his  daughter,  Zip- 
porah,  Moses's  wife,  and  their  sons,  Eliezer  and  Gershom,  to 
join  the  leader.  Another  sacrificial  feast  of  brotherhood  is 
held. 

1  This  was  probably  the  formerly  worshipped  female  deity  of  Fate. 
'  All  this  could  have  value  only  as  it  concerned  and  implied  an 
agricultural  people  already  settled  in  Canaan. 


THE   ELOIIISTIC   NARRATIVE  253 

48.  The  Israelite  system  of  judges,  or  heads  of  tens,  fifties, 
hundreds,  and  thousands,'  is  attributed  to  a  suggestion  of 
Jethro  at  this  date,  approved  by  an  inspiration  from  Yah- 
weh, 

49.  Of  the  singular  ways  of  the  spirit  of  inspiration  :  How 
Joshua  fails  to  understand  this  :  Miriam  and  Aaron  fail  in 
this  also  :  How  special  personal  intimacy  with  Yahweh  is 
held  to  be  Moses's  exclusive  privilege.*^ 

50.  The  tribe  of  Amalek  attack  Israel :  A  wonder  is  worked 
by  another  use  of  the  divine  rod,  and  Amalek  is  beaten.  To 
this  occasion  is  attributed  an  old  record  to  the  intent  that 
Yahweh  means  to  destroy  this  tribe  of  Amalek  utterly. 
An  altar  is  erected  and  a  feast  is  held  at  the  place  of  the 
wonder. 

51.  How  fever  breaks  out  and  is  counted  as  a  mark  of  Yah- 
weh's  anger  against  the  people  for  their  fretfulness. 

52.  How  some  Reubenites  mutiny.  A  wondrous  earth- 
quake or  landslip  is  wrought,  and  the  mutineers  sink  in  the 
chasm  of  the  earth. 

53.  Arrived  at  a  great  sanctuary  at  Kadesh  in  the  south  of 
Palestine,  where  Miriam  dies  and  is  buried,  the  leader  sends 
scouts  into  the  promised  land  :  These  find  a  land  rich  in  fruits, 
and  they  bring  some  back  ;  but  they  report  it  to  be  possessed 
by  Amalekites,  Hittites,  Jebusites,  Amorites,  and  Canaanites ; 
and  also  by  Nephilim  (fallen  spirits)  or  giants :  The  people 
complain  :  Moses  feels  moved  to  march  back  toward  the  Sea 
of  Reeds  :  The  people  now  complain  still  more  :  They  march 
against  the  aborigines  without  Moses  and  his  sacred  casket  of 
divine  records,  and  are  repulsed  heavily. 

54.  Moses  resolves  to  try  the  road  due  east  from  the  great 
sanctuary  through  the  Edomite  land.  The  people  sue  for 
leave  ;  but  they  are  sternly  refused  :  They  march  back  to  the 
south. 

>  See  the  story  of  the  reign  of  .Tehoshaphat. 

'  This  is  one  of  the  theologumena  of  the  theologising  Elohistic 
school.  It  is  probably  an  effort  to  understand  the  fact  and  impor- 
tance of  the  existence  of  "  prophets." 


254  APPENDIX   II 

55.  The  caravan  is  attacked  by  swarms  of  poisonous  ser- 
pents. Moses  fashions  an  image  of  a  serpent,  and  lifts  it 
high  with  his  divine  rod :  the  wounded  who  see  it  are  healed. 

56.  The  Itinerary :  From  Qadhesh  (the  great  sanctuary) 
they  march  through  the  steppe  of  Paran  and  Tophet  to 
Laban  (hardly  "  Lebanon  "),  to  the  villages  :  to  the  gold  re- 
gion :  to  the  wells  of  the  Ydakanim :  to  Moserah,  the  burial 
place  of  Aaron,  who  is  succeeded  in  his  oflQce  beside  Moses  by 
Eleazar,  his  son  :  to  Gudhgodhah  :  to  Yatebhath  :  to  Zared : 
to  Arnon.     An  old  verse  of  poetry  is  quoted  touching  Arnon. 

The  caravan  ask  leave  of  the  Amorite  king,  Sihon,  to  cross 
his  territory  :  They  are  refused,  and  then  attacked,  but  Israel 
meets  Sihon,  and  is  victorious  :  They  sing  over  this  :  Another 
old  song  is  quoted  which  tells  of  the  Amorite  loss  and  of  the 
dangers  that  threaten  the  Moabite  worshippers  of  Chemosh. 

The  story  of  Balaam  from  Syria  on  the  banks  of  the 
Euphrates :  He  is  a  Yahweh-worshipper,  or  at  least  he  re- 
spects Yahweli :  He  is  summoned  by  the  sheik  of  Moab,  Ba- 
lak,  to  interfere  on  his  behalf  against  the  Israelite  caravan  who 
are  so  near  his  border  :  Balaam  is  warned  by  inspiration  not 
to  go  to  help  Balak :  Balak  tempts  him  hard  :  Inspiration 
comes  again,  deciding  him  to  go,  but  to  go  and  speak  as  Yah- 
weli would  wish  :  After  many  sacrificial  feasts,  Balaam  chants 
his  oracle,  but  it  is  in  praise  and  defence  of  Israel :  Balak's 
earnest  endeavours  to  alter  this  oracle  procure  only  one  that 
is  more  thoroughly  in  favour  of  Israel. 

57.  Israel  falls  into  Venus-worship,  which  is  put  down  by  a 
bloody  conflict. 

58.  The  Gadites  and  the  Reubenites  settle  east  of  the  Jor- 
dan. 

59.  How  Moses  and  the  elders  assemble  the  people  in  the 
plains  of  Moab  and  address  them:  The  people  are  reminded 
that  at  Horeb  they  begged  that  no  more  divine  commands  be 
given  in  thunders  from  the  heavens,  as  the  Decalogue  had  been 
given  :  Yahweh  had  agreed  to  this  and  jjromised  that  hence- 
forth all  commands  should  be  given  through  a  human  media- 
tor's lips. 


THE  ELOHISTIC   NARRATIVE  255 

It.    Tlie  Original  Deuteronomic  Law. 

60.  Now  are  given  the  supplementary  commands  as  fol- 
lows :  * 

The  Judicial  Decisions  given  in  Moah.^ 
Concerning  slaves : 

1.  A  Hebrew  may  hold  a  Hebrew  man  as  slave,  but  only  for 
six  years.  The  slave's  wife  and  children  are  not  to  go  out  from 
the  slavery  if  the  wife  was  given  to  the  slave  by  the  master.  The 
slave  may  remain  too,  if  he  prefer  to  do  so. 

2.  A  Hebrew  slave-woman  is  not  to  be  emancipated  unless  the 
master  fail  in  due  regard  for  her,  as  e.g.^  if  he  have  had  her  as 
wife  and  then  wish  to  be  rid  of  her,  in  which  case  she  is  to  go  free. 

Concerning  homicide : 

1.  He  who  slays  is  to  be  slain  ;  but  if  the  Elohim  occasioned  the 
death  by  an  accident,  then  every  altar  is  a  safe  sanctuary  and  protec- 
tion for  the  slayer. 

2.  The  parricide  shall  die. 

3.  Injury  in  strife,  even  if  it  be  not  fatal,  shall  be  made  good. 

4.  If  quarrelling  men  injure  a  pregnant  woman,  causing  prema- 
ture delivery,  the  husband  shall  receive  compensation  according 
to  adjudication. 

5.  The  lex  talio7iis,  an  eye  for  an  eye,  etc. 

6.  The  slaying  of  a  slave  shall  be  avenged;  but  not  if  the  slave 
live  on  for  a  few  days. 

7.  He  who  injures  his  slave  seriously  shall  liberate  him. 

'  This  work  or  lawbook  stood  originally  where  Deuteronomy 
stands  now,  i.e.,  just  before  the  story  of  the  death  of  Moses.  To 
make  room  for  the  present  Deuteronomy,  i.e.,  the  later  version 
written  to  urge  a  centralisation  of  worship,  the  original  version  of 
supplementary  regulations  has  been  taken  out,  and  has  been  in- 
serted for  safe-keeping,  immediately  after  the  story  of  the  utter- 
ance of  the  Decalogue  at  Horeb.  It  forms  much  of  Exodus  chaps. 
xxi.,  xxii.,  xxiii.  A  few  critical  changes  are  made  where  the  text 
had  likely  become  disordered. 

2  Cf.  Bacon's  Triple  Tradition  of  the  Exodus,  1894,  and  Baentsch. 
Das  Bundeshuch,  1892. 


256  APPENDIX  II 

Injuries  done  to  men  by  leasts  : 

1.  A  goring  ox  that  kills  a  man  or  woman  is  to  be  killed:  Hia 
flesh  is  not  to  be  eaten  :     Then  the  owner  is  to  be  free. 

2.  If  the  owner  knew  the  beast's  disposition  and  was  negligent, 
then  both  owner  and  ox  shall  die. 

3.  The  injured  relatives  may  accept  redemption  by  money  and 
let  the  owner  of  the  ox  live. 

4.  The  redemption,  for  a  slain  son  or  a  slain  daughter,  shall  be 
settled  by  adjudication. 

5.  For  a  slain  slave  the  redemption  money  shall  be  thirty  silver 
shekels. 

Injuries  to  cattle  : 

1.  He  whose  pit  causes  a  beast's  death  shall  pay  the  value  of  a 
living  beast  and  shall  receive  the  dead  one. 

2.  If  a  man's  ox  slay  a  neighbour's  ox,  each  owner  shall  get  half 
of  each,  or  half  of  the  value  of  both  the  living  and  the  dead  oxen. 

3.  If  the  ox  was  known  to  be  mischievous  and  the  master  was 
negligent,  that  negligent  owner  shall  receive  the  dead  ox,  while  the 
other  owner  gets  the  live  one. 

Concerning  theft  : 

1.  He  who  steals  a  man,  and  sells  or  keeps  him,  shall  die. 

2.  Theft  of  large  cattle  is  to  be  paid  back  fivefold,  and  of  small 
cattle  fourfold. 

3.  The  penniless  thief  is  to  be  sold  into  slavery. 

4.  The  thief  caught  in  the  possession  of  stolen  cattle  is  to  make 
good  the  injury. 

5.  If  he  be  killed  while  being  so  caught,  his  death  is  not  to  be 
avenged. 

6.  Except  that  if  this  killing  be  after  sunrise,  then  blood  is  to  be 
shed  for  him. 

Concerning  arson^  etc.  : 

1.  He  who  ruins  good  fields  by  letting  his  cattle  trespass  shall 
make  good  the  damage  out  of  his  own  best  possessions. 

2.  He  who  causes  sheaves  or  standing  corn  and  the  like  to  be 
destroyed  by  fire,  shall  make  it  all  good. 

Concerning  trusts : 

1.  The  stealer  of  goods  deposited  on  trust  is  to  make  good  double 


THE   ELOHISTIC   NARRATIVE  257 

what  he  robbed.     If  the  actual  thief  be  not  found,  the  trustee  is  to 
lay  the  case  before  Elohim  for  adjudication. 

2.  In  all  cases  of  intrusted  and  lost  cattle,  he  whom  the  Elohim 
adjudicated  to  be  to  blame  is  to  repay  the  injury  twofold. 

3.  If  cattle  so  intrusted  be  injured  or  lost,  and  the  Elohim '  adju- 
dicate the  trustee  to  be  blameless,  he  shall  be  free. 

4.  If  the  beast  has  been  stolen  from  beside  the  trustee,  the  trus- 
tee shall  make  it  good. 

5.  If  it  has  evidently  only  been  torn  of  wild  beasts,  he  shall 
not  make  it  good. 

6.  What  is  borrowed  and  then  is  injured,  or  dies  in  the  borrow- 
er's hands,  is  to  be  made  good  by  the  borrower. 

7.  If  the  owner  was  present  during  the  injury,  the  borrower  shall 
not  make  it  good. 

8.  If  it  was  hired,  then  the  hire  paid  is  enough. 
Concerning  seductions  : 

1.  He  who  seduces  a  maid,  not  betrothed,  shall  marry  her. 

2.  If  her  father  refuse,  then  the  seducer  shall  atone  by  paying  a 
maid's  full  dower. 

Concerning  proprieties : 

1.  Any  woman  working  incantations  shall  die. 

2,  Any  devotee  copulating  with  a  beast  shall  die. 

3,  He  who  mocks  his  parent  is  to  die. 

4.  He  who  worships  any  Elohim  save  Yahweh  only  is  to  die.' 
Concerning  neighbourliness  : 

1.  Oppress  not  any  (Ger)  sojourner  among  you. 

2.  Do  not  add  humiliation  to  the  widow  or  the  orphan. 

3.  Do  not  take  interest  from  any  fellow  Hebrew  for  lent  money. 

4.  Return  before  sundown  any  garment  taken  as  a  pledge  from  a 
neighbour. 

'  These  references  to  the  mind  of  the  Elohim  seem  to  suggest 
reference  to  oracles  obtained  by  divining  with  an  ephod  or  by  lot. 
Nor  is  this  unlike  the  very  practice  of  David,  as  we  have  it  de- 
scribed. The  writer  of  the  story  of  David  and  the  people  of  that 
writer's  times  trusted  to  such  oracles. 

2  This  rule  seems  to  prove  that  itself,  and  probably  others  in  this 
collection,  were  really  laws  codified  or  honoured  long  before  the 
writing  of  this  document  and  collected  into  this  set  in  order  to  work 
out  the  theory  of  a  Moab-legislation. 


258  APPENDIX   II 

Concerning  reverence : 

1.  Never  make  light  of  any  Elohim. 

2,  Never  curse  any  exalted  personage  of  the  nation. 

Concerning  uprightness  in  couHs  of  justice  : 

1.  Accept  not  a  worthless  report. 

2.  Be  not  a  violent  co-witness  with  a  godless  man. 

3.  Follow  not  the  multitude  into  evil. 

4.  Follow  not  the  multitude  to  turn  justice  aside. 

5.  Do  not  favour  a  great  man,  or  even  a  poor  man,  with  partiality. 

6.  Deliver  your  enemy  from  danger. 

7.  Help  your  enemy  when  he  is  overburdened. 

8.  Do  not  injure  your  enemy's  suit  at  law. 

9.  Render  only  true  evidence ;  that  the  righteous  man  may  live, 
and  the  godless  perish. 

10.  Never  take  a  bribe. 

61.  Solemn  conclusion,  with  added  curse  upon  Amalek : 
followed  by  direction  to  gather  on  Mount  Ebal,  i.e.,  at 
Shechem,  for  a  national  confirmation  of  these  regulations 
by  erecting  there  a  special  altar  which  shall  bear  a  record  of 
these  laws  written  upon  its  sides. 

62.  Moses,  by  divine  inspiration,  commissions  and  encour- 
ages Joshua  to  be  his  successor. 

63.  How  Moses  died  in  Moab,  a  man  more  intimately  in- 
spired of  Yahweh  than  any  other  ever  was. 

(Here  ends  the  Story  of  the  Exodus.) 

5.  The  Story  of  the  Settlement  in  Canaan. 

64.  By  divine  inspiration  Joshua  arranges  for  an  invasion 
of  the  West- Jordan  land  :  he  sends  spies  ahead. 

65.  These  spies  turn  in  to  a  harlot  in  Jericho  :  She  hides 
them  and  deceives  the  police  concerning  them :  They  escape 
and  go  cautiously  back  to  Joshua. 

66.  By  inspiration  Joshua  arranges  a  wonder  :  The  Jor- 
dan is  swollen,  but  the  priests  bearing  the  chest  containing 
the  divine  covenant  step  into  the  swollen  river's  edge,  and  at 


THE  ELOHISTIC   NAKKATIVE  259 

once  the  "waters  cease  to  flow,  and  are  piled  up  in  a  heap : 
The  people  cross  on  the  dry  bed  safely :  Twelve  chosen  men 
take  twelve  stones  from  the  river's  bed  and  plant  them  on 
the  west  bank  :  The  heap  is  called  a  Gilgal :  The  priests 
now  march  across  and  then  the  river  rolls  on  again  as  it  was 
wont. 

67.  The  elder  of  two  records  (Ei)  of  the  Fall  of  Jericho  : 
at  the  signal  of  a  trumpet  blast  all  Israel  give  a  great  shout: 
The  city  walls  fall  :  The  Israelites  walk  in  and  capture 
everything. 

The  younger  of  the  two  records  (Ea).  Seven  priests  blow 
seven  trumpets  for  seven  consecutive  days  before  the  covenant 
casket :  on  the  last  of  these  days,  the  priests  and  two  bodies 
of  soldiers  march  round  the  city  seven  times :  Then  the 
priests  blow  and  the  people  shout :  They  burn  the  city,  sav- 
ing only  the  harlot  named  above,  and  her  relatives. 

68.  The  siege  of  Ai  :  At  first  it  is  a  disastrous  failure. 

69.  By  inspiration  Joshua  understands  that  a  selfish  He- 
brew's stealing  has  made  Yahweh  angry,  and  so  he  has  ceased 
to  help.  The  leader  has  lots  cast,  to  discover  the  culprit : 
One  Achan  is  pitched  upon,  and  he  says  that  at  Jericho  he 
had  appropriated  goods  which  ought  to  have  been  burnt : 
The  man  and  those  goods  are  burned  to  pacify  Yahweh. 

70.  By  stratagem  and  by  a  wonder,  the  town  of  Ai  is  taken ; 
All  its  men  and  women  are  butchered. 

71 .  The  people  of  the  neighbouring  town  of  Gibeon  play  a 
trick  and  get  favor  from  Joshua  and  the  Hebrews  :  At  the  dis- 
covery of  the  trick  Joshua  just  saves  the  deceivers  from  death 
at  the  hands  of  the  angiy  Hebrews  by  binding  them  to  perpet- 
ual slave  service  for  the  sanctuary  of  Yahweh. 

72.  The  kings  of  Jerusalem  and  Hebron,  Jarmuth,  Lachish, 
and  Eglon,  attack  Gibeon  :  Joshua  comes  to  the  rescue  :  A 
wonder  of  hail  from  Yahweh  works  the  complete  destruction  of 
the  forces  of  the  allied  enemies :  Joshua  cruelly  butchers  the 
five  kings. 

73.  Jabin,  king  of  Hazor,  and  three  other  kings,  unite  to 
attack  the  Hebrews,  but  they  are  defeated. 


260  APPENDIX   II 

74.  By  inspiration  Joshua  marks  out  the  land  in  parcels 
■with  definite  boundaries  for  the  various  tribes. 

75.  Joshua's  final  charge,  given  in  Shechem  to  the  people, 
their  chiefs,  officers,  and  judges.  This  shows  what  probably 
stood  at  the  beginning  of  the  whole  document;  viz.,  a  state- 
ment of  the  faith  that  their  ancestors  once  lived  beyond  the 
great  river  (Euphrates)  and  there  served  other  Elohim  besides 
Yahweh.  Then  the  speech  recounts  the  migration  of  the 
father  of  the  Hebrew  group  of  peoples  westward  to  Canaan : 
Some  of  them  settled  later  in  Seir  (Edom),  while  the  tribe  of 
Jacob  went  to  Egypt.  It  tells,  then,  of  Moses  leading  these 
away  back  by  the  Reedy  Sea  and  the  steppes  to  the  east  of  Jor- 
dan, the  Amorite  land ;  further,  how  the  Moabites  annoyed 
them  with  help  of  Balaam,  the  prophet,  who  blessed  them 
after  all ;  then  how  Joshua,  as  successor  of  the  deliverer,  led 
them  to  invade  West  Palestine  :  Finally  this  leader,  now  grow- 
ing aged,  invites  them  to  forsake  entirely  their  faith  in  the 
Elohim  they  had  in  Euphrates -land  and  in  Egypt,  and  to  ac- 
cept Yahweh,  as  he,  Joshua,  and  his  house  are  doing.  The 
people  pledge  themselves  to  be  slaves  to  Yahweh  as  their 
Elohim ;  they  declare  their  faith  that  he  it  is,  out  of  all  the 
Elohim,  who  has  done  all  the  saving  work  for  them.  Joshua 
declares  that  Yahweh  is  El-Qanna,  viz.,  he  is  that  particu- 
lar individual  of  the  Elohim  whom  they  know  as  the  deity  of 
jealousy ;  they  must  beware  of  rousing  him  :  They  repeat 
their  profession  of  faith. 

76.  Joshua  draws  up  an  agreement  and  a  statute,  erecting  a 
stone  memorial  of  this  at  the  great  sanctuary  in  Shechem, 
under  a  sacred  tree.  All  pledge  themselves  to  observe  these 
provisions  and  then  they  repair  to  their  homes.  The  leader 
dies,  aged  one  hundred  and  ten  years,  and  is  buried  in  his 
own  land. 

77.  The  coffin  containing  the  dust  of  Joseph  is  finally  bur- 
ied near  this  great  sanctuary  at  Shechem.  Eleazar,  the  son 
of  Aaron,  dies  also  and  is  buried  in  a  neighbouring  part  of  the 
Ephraimite  mountain  range. 


THE    ELOHISTIC   NARRATIVE  261 

6.    The  Elohistic  Stories  of  Heroes,  or  Judges. 

78.  After  these  things  Midianites  oppress  Israel.  A 
prophet  preaches  that  neglect  of  Yahweh  is  the  explanation 
of  this  act  of  his  providence. 

79.  An  inspired  man  called  Gideon  hews  down  by  night 
the  altar  of  Baal-worship  and  the  Asherah,  or  sacred  tree, 
and  builds  a  Yahweh-altar  :  His  fellow  tribesmen  gather  to 
kill  him  ;  but  being  defended  eloquently  by  his  father  Joash, 
Gideon  becomes  honoured  :  Then  he  leads  a  small  armed 
band  against  the  Midianite  forces,  and  guided  by  inspiration, 
he  pursues  the  Midianite  princes,  who  have  murdered  his 
brothers  :  He  bids  his  own  first-born  kill  them,  but  the  lad 
is  timid,  so  Gideon  himself  does  it :  He  punishes  severely 
two  Israelite  cities  that  had  refused  to  help  him. 

80.  Gideon  refuses  to  become  founder  of  an  hereditary 
dynasty,  saying,  "Yahweh  is  to  be  king  for  us:"  But  he 
accepts  a  large  payment  in  gold  ;  and  this  he  makes  into  an 
ephod,  or  robe  for  religious  functions  in  his  own  city . 

81.  Gideon's  son,  Abimelech,  gets  himself  elected  king  and 
slays  all  his  brothers  as  a  sacrifice,  except  one  lad  who  es- 
capes. 

82.  This  lad,  Jotham,  is  skilful  in  song  and  parable  :  He 
publishes  a  keen  satire,  against  his  brother  Abimelech  and 
his  partisans,  the  Baals  of  Shechem. 

83.  After  Abimelech  has  reigned  three  years,  these  Baals 
mutiny  ;  but  the  king  overcomes  them,  and  puts  them  to  a 
horrible  death  :  He  falls  in  a  dishonoured  way  at  a  siege  : 
This  is  regarded  by  the  writer  as  a  token  of  the  vengeance 
of  the  Elohim. 

84.  The  people  worship  many  Elohim,  Baals,  Asherahs, 
etc.,  that  are  the  deities  of  surrounding  peoples  :  Then  they 
are  oppressed  by  the  Ammonites  :  In  their  distress  they 
hearken  to  a  Yahweh-oracle,  and  return  to  his  worship. 

85.  One  Jephthah,  a  bastard  and  an  outcast,  head  of  cer- 
tain banditti,  is  besought  to  help  the  Israelites  of  Gilead 
amid  their  sufferings  under  the  Ammonites :  He  accepts  the 


262  APPENDIX   II 

task  of  commander :  He  vows  to  make  an  ascending  offering 
to  Yahweh  of  whatever  shall  first  meet  him  on  a  successful 
return  from  his  campaign  :  He  marches  out  and  thoroughly 
subdues  Ammon. 

86.  On  his  return,  his  own  daughter  is  the  first  to  meet 
him :  In  great  anguish  to  both  father  and  daughter,  the  vow 
is  fulfilled.' 

87.  Unfortunately,  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  are  jealous  of 
Jephthah's  single-handed  success :  They  attack  him,  but  are 
severely  defeated :  He  holds  his  office  for  six  years  ;  then  he 
dies. 

88.  A  certain  Ephraimite,  by  name  Micah,  a  Yahweh- 
worshipper,  has  a  sanctuary,  an  ephod  and  teraphs,  with  his 
son  for  priest.  But  a  man  from  Bethlehem  in  Judah,  who 
seems  to  have  been  a  Levite,  comes  along  and  becomes  his 
senior  priest  at  a  fixed  salary. 

89.  The  tribe  of  Dan  explores  in  the  north  seeking  larger 
territory :  Micah's  priest  gives  them  a  cheering  Yahweh- 
oracle  :  They  covet  the  land  of  Laish  in  the  Lebanon  region  : 
They  invite  the  priest  of  Micah  to  go  with  them  as  their 
priest :  He  steals  his  employer's  sacred  utensils  and  goes  : 
His  new  companions  drive  off  the  pursuing  Micah  with  vio- 
lence :  They  push  on  northward  and  seize  the  coveted  terri- 
tory, killing  all  the  inhabitants  :  They  settle  in  Laish  them- 
selves, calling  their  city  Dan :  The  stolen  sacred  things 
become  the  furniture  of  the  sanctuary  in  Laish  ^  for  gener- 
ations. 

7.  The  EloMstic  Story  of  the  Founding  of  the  Kingdom  at 
Mizpah.^ 

90.  A  man  of  the  Ramahs  (High  places)  who  worships 
yearly  at  Shiloh,  where  Eli's  sons  officiate  as  priests,  has  two 

'  This  is  only  one  of  many  cases  of  sacrifice  of  human  life  to 
Yahweh.  The  principle  of  the  Levitical  priesthood  rests  upon  it. 
Jeremiah  in  600  e.g.  deals  with  the  practice. 

^  This  seems  from  its  name  to  have  been  really  a  lion-god's  sanc- 
tuary.    Cf.  W.  R.  Smith,  Rel.  Sem.,  p.  156. 

^  According  to  the  Yahwistic  story  it  was  founded  at  Gilgal. 


THE   ELOHISTIC   NARRATIVE  263 

wives  :  The  favourite  one,  Hannah,  is  childless  :  At  the  sanc- 
tuary Eli  notices  her  praying — she  is  pleading  with  Yahweh 
for  a  son,  and  vowing  to  make  him  a  Nazir  (vow-man)  for  all  his 
life  :  Eli  thinks  at  first  that  she  is  intoxicated,  and  reproves 
her:  Learning  the  facts,  he  predicts  the  fulfilment  of  her 
prayer. 

91.  Hannah  bears  Samuel :  When  he  can  be  brought  to 
Eli  and  left  beside  him,  she  gives  him  as  a  devotee  to  the 
sanctuary,  where  he  acts  as  a  priest :  He  is  another  of  the 
Elohist's  Wonder-Children. 

92.  Eli's  sons  are  bringing  all  sacrifices  to  Yahweh  into 
discredit :  They  will  not  wait  for  their  perquisite  food  till  the 
sacrificial  flesh  is  boiled  •  but  insist  with  violence  on  having 
the  raw  flesh  to  roast  for  themselves. 

93.  Hannah  provides  lovingly  for  her  priestly  son,  and  she 
bears  five  more  children. 

94.  While  Eli's  sons  wax  worse,  to  their  father's  anxiety, 
and  in  spite  of  his  reproving  them, 

95.  Samuel  begins  to  receive  Yahweh-oracles,  under  Eli'- 
guidance :  He  receives  them  while  in  his  bed  in  the  sanctus 
ary,  beside  the  Elohim-casket :  Eli  bows  devoutly  before  the 
fate  announced  for  his  family. 

96.  All  Israel  come  to  know  that  Samuel  is  an  inspired  man. 

97.  The  Philistines  oppress  Israel,  battling  against  them 
successfully  :  The  Israelites  send  to  Shiloh  for  the  Yahweh- 
casket,  and  carry  it  out  to  the  battle-field  :  This  excites  them 
to  great  hopes ;  but  it  nerves  the  Philistines,  too  :  They  put 
great  faith  in  their  own  Elohim,  and  are  again  victorious  : 
They  capture  the  casket  of  the  Elohim :  Eli's  two  sons  are 
slain. 

98.  When  the  news  of  this  is  brought  to  Eli,  it  is  too  bit- 
ter for  him  :  He  falls,  and  comes  to  his  death  :  Phineas's  wife 
dies  under  the  shock,  in  child-labour,  giving  birth  to  a  son 
whom  she  names  as  she  departs  Ichabod  ('*  Where  is  glory  ?  "). 

'  This  is  one  proof  among  many  that  down  to  these  days  at  least, 
the  proper  way  to  cook  sacrificial  flesh-food  was  not  to  roast  it,  but 
to  hoil  it. 


264  APPENDIX   II 

99.  Here  follows  a  finely-conceived  picture  of  conflict  as  in 
the  darkness  of  night  between  the  two  Elohim,  Dagon,  fish 
or  grain  god,  and  Yahweh.  Yaliweh  is  pictured  as  mutilating 
the  wooden  image  of  Dagon.  The  conflict  is  declared  to  be 
the  origin  of  certain  features  in  the  customary  worship  of 
Dagon,  which  confirms  the  opinion  that  the  scene  is  a  poetical 
representation  of  a  hoary  tradition. 

100.  After  a  stay  of  seven  months  in  the  cities  of  the  Philis- 
tines, the  casket  of  Yahweh  is  sent  back  to  the  land  of  the  Is- 
raelites :  It  is  brought  to  the  "  House  of  the  Sun,"  with  many 
superstitious  observances :  The  casket  is  received  by  the 
Israelites  with  similar  superstitions  :  Yahweh  is  described  as 
having  a  singularly  jealous  and  vindictive  character. 

101.  Another  scene  of  confession  of  unfaithfulness  to  Yah- 
weh is  described  :  And  now  the  tribe  dedicate  themselves  to 
him  as  their  sole  Elohim. 

102.  How  the  Philistines  invade  Israelite  lands  again  ;  and 
how  Samuel  cries  to  Yahweh,  who  replies  by  a  thunder- 
storm :  complete  rout  of  the  enemy  is  thus  caused  :  So  Sam- 
uel erects  a  ma^gehah  and  calls  it  '*  The  Help-stone"  (Eben- 
ezer)  :  The  Israelites  gain  back  many  towns  that  the  Phil- 
istines have  seized. 

103.  How  Samuel  waxes  old  as  judge  and  sacrificer,  mak- 
ing regular  official  tours,  and  erecting  places  of  sacrifice.  But 
his  sons,  who  assist  and  succeed  him,  do  not  maintain  his 
high  reputation  for  ability  and  integrity. 

104.  The  people  grow  discontented  with  the  system. 
Samuel  is  troubled,  but  soon  feels  divinely  cheered  to  lead 
them  forward  to  the  choice  of  a  king. 

105.  The  election  of  King  Saul  at  Mizpah  :  Samuel  utters 
a  solemn  adjuration  to  king  and  folk  as  he  himself  retires 
from  office  :  The  speech  resembles  those  of  Moses  and  Joshua 
on  similar  farewell  occasions  :  Yahweh  supports  Samuel's 
utterance  by  sending  another  great  thunder-storm. 

106.  Samuel  charges  Saul  in  Yahweh's  name  to  take  ven- 
geance on  the  Amalekites  :  Saul  makes  a  horrible  slaughter 
of  these  people,  first  separating  the  Kenites  from  them :     He 


THE  ELOHISTIC   NARRATIVE  265 

and  his  followers  save  the  Amalekite  king,  Agag,  and  certain 
valuable  cattle  :  Samuel  is  moved  with  the  Yahweh  spirit : 
sorrowfully,  yet  sternly,  he  pronounces  a  sentence  of  divine 
deposition  of  King  Saul  and  his  house :  The  king  pleads 
that  he  meant  to  make  religious  feasts  for  Yahweh  with  the 
cattle :  Samuel  utters  the  stern  new  doctrine  that  the  exclu- 
sive devotion  to  be  aimed  at  is  not  best  expressed  by  relig- 
ious feasts  :  The  old  man  demands  submission  to  Yahweh 
without  questioning,  which  indeed  means  submission  to  the 
seer  (the  "  Nabi  ")  who  is  supposed  to  speak  for  the  deity  of 
Israel.  This  new  doctrine  is  uttered  as  a  counterpart  to  the 
supposed  jealousy  of  Israel's  deity  toward  all  other  Elohim. 

107.  The  fierce  old  seer  is  a  long  time  deaf  to  Saul's 
pathetic  pleading. 

108.  The  prophet  himself  hews  the  captive  Amalekite 
prince  to  bits  in  a  horrible  Avay. 

109.  Samuel  forsakes  Saul  finally. 

110.  A  new  attack  by  the  Philistines.  Their  champion 
Goliath,  a  huge  fellow  with  amazing  weapons,  defies  the 
Israelites,  and  dares  any  of  them  to  single  combat  with  him  : 
A  shepherd  lad  called  **  Beloved  One  "  (David)  takes  a  mes- 
sage from  home  to  his  elder  brothers,  who  are  in  the  Israelite 
army :  The  boy  is  excited  by  the  sight  and  sound  of  the  big 
Philistine  :  In  spite  of  the  displeasure  of  his  eldest  brother, 
he  is  taken  to  the  king  and  volunteers  to  attack  this  big 
fellow  :  having  fought  wild  creatures  in  the  pasture-lands, 
he  has  great  trust  in  Yahweh's  sure  help  :  So  David  goes, 
hurls  a  sling-stone  at  the  big  man,  and  kills  him  :  The  Is- 
raelites now  take  courage,  while  the  Philistines  fear  and  fly  : 
There  is  a  great  victory  for  the  Israelites.  David  is  another 
of  the  Elohistic  series  of  iDonder-children.  They  are  :  Joseph, 
Moses,  Joshua,  Samuel,  David.  Each  had  a  marvellous 
childhood,  grew  up  as  a  leader,  and  finished  with  a  solemn 
oracular  utterance  to  the  nation. 

Saul  makes  full  inquiry  about  the  boy  and  finds  him  to  be 
the  son  of  Jesse  of  Bethlehem  :  The  king's  son  Jonathan 
becomes  greatly  attached  to  the  lad. 


266  APPENDIX   II 

111.  The  king  grows  afraid  and  jealous  of  this  youth,  for  he 
seems  indeed  to  be  divinely  favoured,  as  well  as  a  favourite  of 
the  people  :  The  king's  daughter,  Merab,  is  betrothed  to  the 
young  man,  but  is  given  to  another  :  Jonathan  pleads  power- 
fully in  behalf  of  David  that  Saul  may  look  more  favourably 
and  gratefully  upon  him  :  The  king  listens  to  this  pleading. 

There  is  again  a  Philistine  war,  and  David  wins  more 
distinction,  which  rouses  an  evil  spirit  in  the  king  :  The  king 
falls  upon  David  murderously  :  David  escapes  to  his  house  : 
The  house  is  surrounded  by  a  band  of  assassins,  employed  by 
the  king  :    David's  wife  accomplishes  his  escape  by  stratagem. 

112.  Escaping,  David  comes  with  a  band  of  followers,  to  a 
sanctuary  at  Nob  :  By  pretending  to  be  on  royal  service,  he 
obtains  food  and  weapons  : 

113.  The  outcome  is  that  Saul,  in  anger,  kills  all  the  priests 
and  people  of  that  sanctuary. 

114.  Saul,  with  a  troop  of  a  few  thousand  soldiers,  pursues 
David  in  the  southern  steppes  :  At  one  time  the  fugitive  en- 
ters the  king's  camp  in  the  night,  when  all  in  it  are  asleep  : 
He  is  sorely  tempted  to  kill  Saul :  He  resists  in  faith  that 
Yahweh  manages  all  things  duly ;  but  he  carries  off  the  king's 
spear  and  his  water-bottle :  He  retires  to  a  safe  point,  and 
shouting,  arouses  the  camp  of  the  king  :  The  royal  guard  and 
the  king  himself  are  filled  with  shame  at  their  carelessness 
and  at  David's  magnanimity  :    The  pursuit  ceases. 

115.  A  young  Amalekite  reports  to  David  how  Saul  has 
fared  badly  in  battle,  and  that  he,  the  young  man  himself,  has 
put  Saul  to  death  :   David  executes  the  murderer  at  once. 

116.  David  consults  with  a  Nabi  (inspired  one)  as  to  the 
erection  of  a  house  to  contain  the  Yahweh-casket :  The  Nabi, 
by  name  Nathan,  feels  moved  of  the  divine  spirit  to  discourage 
this  :  ^  David  utters  an  oracular  prayer,  giving  thanks  for  the 
divine  favour  to  his  dynasty,  and  professing  himself  Yahweh's 
devoted  slave. 

'  Of  course  this  is  just  what  we  might  expect  from  the  Elohist 
who  wished  Shechem  to  be  the  great  sanctuary  and  could  not  favour 
the  erection  of  a  new  royal  altar  and  temple  in  Jerusalem. 


THE  ELOHISTIC   NARRATIVE  2G7 

(Here  ends  abruptly  what  is  extant  of  the  Elohistic  Docn- 
ment.  Possibly  the  loss  of  the  original  continuation  was  due 
to  its  favouring  Shechem,  and  condemning  the  erection  of  a 
royal  altar  in  Jerusalem.  The  devotees  of  Zion,  after  622  b.o. 
would  not  like  such  a  record.) 


APPENDIX   III 

THE  OUTLINES  OF    THE    ORIGINAL  "i)" 
DOCUMENTS ' 

A.  The  '^  Judge'*  or  Hosea-like  "D"  Document, 
L  The  Hortatory  Prelude. 

Preface  or  Introduction,     iv.  45b-xi. 

Title  and  place  of  proclamation,     iv.  44,  46-49. 

The  Elohistic  Decalogue,     v.  2b,  6-18  (Heb.). 

The  basis  of  the  new  directions,     vi.  la,  2-9. 

Beware  of  wandering,     vi.  10-13,  15. 

The  children  to  be  told  of  grace  and  duty.     vi.  20-25. 

The  children  to  be  sheltered  from  wrong  environment,  vii. 
1-4,  6,  9. 

The  promise  of  blessing,  plenty  and  power,     vii.  12b-24. 

The  promise  of  a  joyful  land.     viii.  7-10. 

Reminiscences  of  the  past  joyless  journey,     viii.  11a,  12-18. 

Fear  not  the  great  aborigines,     ix.  l-4a,  5-7b. 

The  sum  of  these  exhortations  is  :  One  Yahweh  is  thy  only 
true  God,  and  has  blessed  thee.  Therefore  teach  and  be 
faithful  and  full  of  courage.  Hereafter  only  fragments  are 
interwoven  with  the  other  work  which  addresses  the  people 
as  "  you,"  and  speaks  of  *'  The  Elders  " ;  whereas  the  former 
work  says  *'  thou,"  and  speaks  of  "  The  Judges." 

The  sum  of  the  further  commands  is  :  Love  God  and  the 

'  The  Deuteronomists'  work  is  based  upon  E  and  is  really  only  a 
new  edition  of  that  part  of  the  same,  which,  as  we  have  seen  in 
Appendix  II,  paragraph  60,  is  now  found  in  Exod.  xxi.  to  xxiii.  ; 
but  which  stood  originally  where  Deuteronomy  stands  now. 

368 


THE   ORIGINAL    '' D  "    DOCUMENTS  269 

poor  who  are  his  special  care.  x.  12-15,  20-22.  xi.  1,  10-12, 
lib,  15,  19,  20. 

The  place  of  sacred  establishment  is  to  be  Shechem.  xi. 
29f. 

II.   Outline  of  the  Directions  of  the  "  Judge "  Document. 

"We  shall  give  this  in  outline  and  then  in  its  full  text. 

1.  Directing  centralisation,     xii.  13f,  17a,  18-20a,  21,  26f . 

2.  Directing  tithes,     xiv.  22-29  (mostly). 

3.  Also  firstlings,     xv.  19f. 

4.  A  Paschal  festival  at  the  beginning  of  harvest,  xvi.  If, 
4b-7. 

5.  A  feast  of  '*  Weeks  "  at  the  end  of  corn-harvest,   xvi.  9-12. 

6.  A  dance-festival  with  booths  at  the  end  of  vintage,  xvi. 
13-15,  17. 

7.  Prescribing  officers,  judges,  and  writers,     xvi.  18-20a. 

8.  The  duties  of  judges,     xvii.  8-10. 

9.  The  functions  of  **  Levites."    xviii.  1  part,  2,  6-8. 

10.  Of  sanctuary  for  accused  persons,     xix.  2-10. 

11.  The  witnesses  in  trials,     xix.  15-21a. 

12.  Of  a  special  case  for  trial,     xiii .  2-4a,  6-18. 

13.  Of  the  conduct  of  a  siege,     xx.  10-17,  19f. 

14.  Of  kindness  to  animals  :  The  stray  cattle  ;  the  stum- 
bling beast ;  a  bird's  nest.     xxii.  1-4,  6-8. 

15.  Of  kindness  to  slaves,  debtors  and  the  like.  E.g.,  Of 
the  fugitive  slave ;  payment  of  interest ;  petty  theft ;  neces- 
saries of  life ;  pledges,  how  to  be  taken  and  when  to  be  re- 
turned ;  a  hireling;  personal  responsibility;  justice  to  the 
weak  ;  gleanings,  etc.  ;  upright  judgment ;  the  ox  on  the 
threshing-floor,    xxiii.  16f,  20,  25f.    xxiv.  6,  10-22.    xxv.  1-4. 

16.  The  year  of  remission,     xv.  1-3,  7-11. 

17.  The  freeing  of  slaves,     xv.  12-15,  18. 

18.  Liturgical  Appendix.     A  triennial  tithe,    xxvi.  If,  5-15. 
This  is  the  main  body  of  rules,  and  embodies  the  principle 

of  centralisation  and  its  corollaries ;  therefore,  it  is  a  classic 
source  for  knowledge  of  the  religion  of  this  Deuteronomist. 
For  this  reason  we  give  it  in  full. 


270  APPENDIX   III 

///.   The  Text  of  the  "  Judge "  Document. 

This  is  well  characterised  by  Steuernagel  as  speaking  of 
"the  Judges,"  but  never  of  "the  Elders"  ;  as  speaking  often 
in  short,  almost  oracular  sentences ;  as  directly  addressing 
the  reader  by  the  singular  **  thou "  ;  as  using  generally  the 

word  '  *  brother  "  (riN)  instead  of  "  neighbour  "  (l?"!  ) .  Its  laws 
concern  worship,  and  justice,  in  and  around  the  new  central 
Sanctuary.     It  is  based  on  an  elder  centralisation  oracle. 

1.  Concerning  centralisation  of  sacrificial  worship,  xii. 
13f,  17a,  18-20a,  21,  26f. 

Have  a  guard  to  thyself,  lest  thou  send  up  ascending  offer- 
ings in  any  place  that  thou  may  est  see,  but  rather  in  the  place 
that  Yahweh  is  going  to  choose  in  one  of  thy  tribes.  And  it 
is  there  that  thou  art  to  do  all  that  for  which  I  am  thy  director. 

Thou  art  not  to  be  free  to  eat  within  thy  gates  thy  corn- 
tithe,  and  wine-tithe,  and  oil-tithe,  and  thy  herd's  and  flock's 
firstlings.  But  rather  is  it  before  Yahweh  thy  god  that  thou 
art  to  eat  it,  in  the  place  which  Yahweh  thy  god  is  going  to 
make  choice  of :  thou,  and  thy  son,  and  thy  daughter,  and 
thy  slave,  and  thy  nursemaid,  and  the  Levite,  who  is  within 
thy  gates.  And  thou  slialt  have  joy  before  Yahweh  thy  god 
in  all  that  thy  hand  gives  out.  Have  a  guard  to  thyself  lest 
thou  forsake  the  Levite  all  thy  days  upon  the  soil. 

Since  Yahweh  thy  god  may  make  broad  thy  border,  ac- 
cording to  what  he  hath  talked  of  to  thee ;  and  if  thou  shalt 
say,  "  Do  let  me  eat  flesh,"  since  thy  soul  will  always  desire 
to  eat  flesh ;  and  if  the  place  be  far  from  thee  that  Yahweh 
thy  god  may  choose  for  setting  his  name  there :  then  thou 
shalt  slaughter  (religiously  as  a  sacred  feast)  some  of  thy 
herd  and  of  thy  flock  that  Yahweh  has  given  to  thee,  just  as 
I  have  directed  thee.  Except  that  it  is  thy  devoted  things 
which  thou  mayest  have  and  thy  vows,  that  thou  art  to  take 
up,  and  come  away  with  unto  the  place  that  Yahweh  is  going 
to  choose. 

And  thou  art  to  make  thine  ascending  ofierings,  the  flesh 
and  the  blood,  upon  the  sacred  slaughtering  place  of  Yahweh 


THE   ORIGINAL    "  D  "    DOCUMENTS  271 

thy  god ;  and  as  for  thy  sacrificial  blood,  that  is  to  be  poured 
out  upon  the  sacred  slaughtering  place  of  Yahweh  thy  god, 
but  it  is  the  flesh  that  thou  art  to  eat. 

2.  Concerning  tithes,  xiv.  22-29,  with  omission  of  editorial 
additions. 

With  a  tithing  thou  art  surely  to  keep  tithing  all  thy  sow- 
ing's income,  that  which  goes  out  to  the  field  year  by  year. 

And  thou  shalt  eat  before  Yahweh  thy  god  in  the  place 
that  he  is  going  to  choose  for  the  constant  abiding  of  his 
name  there,  thy  corn-tithe,  thy  wine-tithe  and  thy  oil-tithe  to 
the  end  that  thou  mayest  learn  to  reverence  Yahweh  thy  god 
all  thy  days. 

And  when  the  way  shall  be  too  far  from  thee,  so  that  thou 
shalt  not  be  free  to  take  it,  because  the  place  is  going  to  be 
far  from  thee  which  Yahweh  thy  god  is  going  to  choose  for 
setting  his  name  there,  for  Yahweh  thy  god  is  going  to  bless 
thee ;  then  thou  shalt  put  it  in  silver  value,  and  shalt  bind 
the  silver  in  thy  hand,  and  thou  shalt  go  unto  the  place  of 
which  Yahweh  thy  god  is  going  to  make  choice.  And  thou 
shalt  put  out  the  silver  in  all  that  thy  heart  may  greatly  wish, 
in  the  herd  and  in  the  flock,  and  in  wine,  and  in  spirits,  and  in 
all  that  thy  heart  may  seek.  And  thou  shalt  eat  there  before 
Yahweh  thy  god  and  shalt  rejoice,  thou  and  thy  house.  And 
as  for  the  Levite,  who  is  in  thy  gates,  thou  art  not  to  forsake 
him. 

After  the  end  of  three  years,  thou  art  to  bring  out  all  the 
tithe  of  thy  income  in  that  year ;  and  thou  art  to  set  it  down 
within  thy  gates.  And  the  Levite  who  is  with  thee  shall  come, 
and  the  sojourner  and  the  orphan  and  the  widow  who  are 
within  thy  gate  ;  and  they  are  to  eat  and  to  be  satisfied,  to  the 
end  that  Yahweh  thy  god  may  bless  thee  in  all  thy  handiwork 
that  thou  art  going  to  do. 

3.  Of  firstlings,     xv.  19f. 

All  the  first-born  that  may  be  born  in  thy  herd  and  in  thy 
flock,  that  is,  the  male  kind,  thou  art  to  devote  for  Yahweh 
thy  god.  Thou  art  not  to  do  any  slave-toil  with  the  first-born 
of  thy  ox-kind ;  and  thou  art  not  to  shear  the  first-born  of  thy 


272  APPENDIX  III 

flock.  Before  Yahweh  thy  god  thou  art  to  eat  it,  year  by 
year,  in  the  place  that  Yahweh  is  going  to  choose,  thou  and 
thy  house. 

4.  Of  a  Paschal  festival,     xvi.  If,  4b-12. 

Guard  the  month  of  the  green  ears  of  the  crops  (the  Abib) 
and  make  a  Paschah  for  Yahweh  thy  god.  For  it  was  in  the 
month  of  the  Abib  that  Yahweh  thy  god  brought  thee  out 
from  Egypt  by  night.  And  thou  shalt  slaughter  sacrificially 
a  Paschah  for  Yahweh  thy  god,  of  flock  and  herd,  in  the  place 
that  Yahweh  is  going  to  choose  for  the  constant  abiding  of  his 
name  there. 

And  there  shall  not  remain  until  the  morning  any  of  the 
flesh  that  thou  art  to  slaughter  in  the  evening  in  the  first  day. 

Thou  art  not  to  be  free  to  slaughter  sacrificially  the  Paschah 
in  one  of  thy  gates,  which  Yahweh  thy  god  is  giving  to  thee  ; 
but  away  in  the  place  that  Yahweh  thy  god,  is  going  to  choose 
for  the  abiding  of  his  name.  It  is  there  thou  art  to  sacrifice 
sacrificially  the  Paschah  in  the  evening,  according  to  the  set- 
ting of  the  sun,  that  is  the  trysted  time  of  thy  going  out  from 
Egypt.  And  thou  shalt  thoroughly  boil  and  then  eat,  in  the 
place  whereof  Yahweh  thy  god  is  going  to  make  choice.  And 
thou  shalt  turn  in  the  morning  and  go  to  thy  tent. 

5.  Of  a  feast  of  weeks  at  the  end  of  corn-harvest,     xvi.  9-12. 
It  is  a  seven  of  sevens  (i.e.,  weeks)  that  thou  art  to  reckon 

for  thyself  :  it  is  from  the  letting  the  sickle  begin  in  the  stand- 
ing corn  that  thou  art  to  begin  to  reckon  seven  sevens.  And 
thou  shalt  make  a  dance-feast-of-weeks  for  Yahweh  thy  god 
according  to  the  full  measure  of  the  free  gift  of  thy  hand 
that  thou  art  going  to  give,  just  according  to  the  way  in 
which  Yahweh  thy  god  hath  blest  thee.  And  thou  art  to 
rejoice  before  Yahweh  thy  god,  thou  and  thy  son  and  thy 
daughter,  and  thy  slave,  and  thy  nursemaid,  and  the  Levite 
that  is  in  thy  gates,  and  the  sojourner,  and  the  orphan,  and 
the  widow  that  are  in  thy  midst  in  the  place  that  Yahweh  thy 
god  is  going  to  choose  for  the  abiding  of  his  name  there. 
And  thou  art  to  guard  and  to  perform  these  statutes. 

6.  Of  the  dance  feast  of  booths,     xvi.  13-15,  17. 


THE   ORIGINAL    ''  D  "    DOCUMENTS  273 

A  dance-feast  of  "  the  booths  "  thou  art  to  make  for  thyself, 
seven  days,  at  thy  gathering  in  from  thy  threshing  floor  and 
from  thy  wine-press.  And  thou  art  to  rejoice  in  thy  dance- 
feast,  thou  and  thy  son  and  thy  daughter,  and  thy  slave,  and 
thy  nursemaid,  and  the  Levite,  and  the  sojourner,  and  the 
oi*phan  and  the  widow  that  are  within  thy  gates.  It  is  seven 
days  thou  art  to  dance  for  Yahweh  thy  god  in  the  place  which 
Yahweh  is  to  choose  ;  for  Yahweh  thy  god  is  going  to  bless 
thee  in  all  thy  income  and  in  all  thy  handiwork,  and  thou 
shall  be  surely  joyful  everyone  according  to  his  hand's  gift, 
according  to  the  blessing  of  Yahweh  thy  god  that  he  has  given 
to  thee. 

So  far,  the  oracles  of  centralisation  :  now  follow  a  second 
set  of  counsels  dependent  on  these. 

7.  Of  officers,  judges,  and  writers,  xvi.  18-20a,  a  passage 
that  has  been  much  altered  by  editors. 

Judges  and  clerks  art  thou  to  set  for  thyself  in  all  thy  gates, 
whose  giver  unto  thee  is  Yahweh  thy  god  for  thy  tribes  (or 
for  thy  judging).  And  they  are  to  judge  the  people  with  firm 
(righteous)  judicial  decision.  Thou  art  not  to  look  at  ap- 
pearances. It  is  righteousness  in  each  case  that  thou  art  to 
pursue. 

8.  Of  the  work  of  the  judges,     xvii.  8-10. 

When  a  thing  proves  too  difficult,  and  beyond  thee,  for  the 
decision  assigning  blood  for  blood,  assigning  judgment  for 
judgment,  and  assigning  blow  for  blow,  even  matters  of  con- 
tention in  thy  gates  ;  then  thou  art  to  rise  up  and  go  uj)  to  the 
place  of  which  Yahweh  thy  god  is  to  make  choice,  and  thou 
art  to  come  to  the  judge  who  may  be  in  those  days.  And 
thou  art  to  investigate  and  they  are  to  set  before  thee  the 
utterance  of  the  decision.  And  thou  art  to  act  according  to 
the  very  letter  of  the  utterance  that  they  may  set  before  thee 
from  that  place  that  Yahweh  is  going  to  choose.  (And  thou 
art  to  take  care  to  act  according  to  all  that  they  may  teach 
thee.) 

9.  Of  Levites.     xviii.  1,  2-4,  8. 

As  for  all  the  Levite  tribe,  it  is  not  a  land  share  they  are  to 


274  APPENDIX   III 

have  in  the  midst  of  their  brethren,  but  it  is  Yahweh  who  is  to 
be  their  share. 

And  when  there  shall  come  the  Levite  from  one  of  thy  gates 
from  any  part  of  Israel  where  he  has  been  sojourning,  and  if 
he  come  in  all  the  desire  of  his  soul  unto  the  place  that 
Yahweh  is  going  to  choose  ;  and  when  he  shall  keep  doing 
sacred  service  in  the  name  of  Yahweh  his  god  just  like  all 
his  brethren  the  Levites  who  are  standing  there  before  Yah- 
weh, then  portion  like  portion  they  shall  eat  (without  his 
selling,  on  account  of  his  ancestry). 

10.  Of  sanctuary  refuges,  under  the  centralised  system, 
xix.  2-10. 

It  is  three  cities  that  thou  art  to  set  apart  for  thee  in  the 
midst  of  thy  land,  which  Yahweh  thy  god  is  giving  to  thee 
to  take  possession  thereof.  Thou  art  to  make  the  way  certain 
for  thyself,  and  thou  art  to  divide  in  three  thy  stretch  of  land, 
which  Yahweh  thy  god  is  going  to  cause  thee  to  share,  for 
the  fleeing  away  safe  of  any  slayer.  And  this  is  the  plan  for 
the  slayer  who  is  to  flee  thither  and  to  live,  who  may  cause  a 
smiting  of  his  neighbour  unawares,  he  being  quite  without 
hate  for  the  man,  day  after  day,  before  :  viz.,  Whosoever  shall 
come  with  his  neighbour  to  the  forest  to  cut  trees,  and  his  hand 
shall  be  swaying  with  the  axe  to  cut  the  tree,  and  the  iron 
shall  slip  from  the  wood  and  shall  chance  on  his  neighbour,  and 
he  shall  die ;  it  is  that  man  that  is  to  flee  unto  one  of  those 
cities,  and  to  live.  Otherwise  an  avenger  of  the  blood  would 
pursue  after  the  slayer  because  his  intent  would  be  hot  and  he 
would  catch  up  with  him  because  the  way  would  be  far,  and 
he  would  cause  to  smite  a  life,  even  although  there  might  lack 
any  judicial  decision  for  death.  Because  this  one  was  no 
hater  of  that  one,  day  after  day,  before.  On  this  account,  it 
is  three  cities  that  thou  art  to  set  apart  for  thyself. 

And  if,  perchance,  Yahweh  thy  god  should  broaden  thy 
border,  thou  art  to  add  for  thyself  again  three  cities  in  addi- 
tion to  those  cities.  So  there  shall  not  be  shed  any  innocent 
blood,  amid  thy  land  which  Yahweh  thy  god  is  giving  to  thee 
as  a  share,  so  that  there  should  be  murder  beside  thee. 


THE   ORIGINAL    "  D  "    DOCUMENTS  275 

11.  Of  witnesses  in  courts,     xix.  15-21b. 

There  shall  not  rise  up  one  witness  concerning  a  man,  for 
any  waywardness,  or  for  any  constant  fault,  in  any  fault 
wherein  one  may  fail :  it  is  according  to  the  mouth  of  two 
witnesses,  or  according  to  the  mouth  of  three  witnesses,  that 
a  case  is  to  arise. 

When  there  shall  arise  a  witness  of  violence  concerning  a 
man,  to  answer  in  his  case  concerning  a  going  astray,  then 
the  two  men  who  have  the  contention  before  Yahweh  shall 
stand  before  the  judges.  And  the  judges  shall  inquire  thor- 
oughly ;  and  lo,  if  the  witness  be  a  false  witness,  then  thou 
shalt  utterly  burn  out  the  mischief  from  thy  midst :  so  that 
those  who  are  left  may  hear  and  may  reverence,  and  may  not 
continue  to  do  still  according  to  this  mischievous  thing  in  thy 
midst.     And  thine  eye  is  not  to  spare. 

12.  Of  a  case  for  courts,     xiii.  2-4a,  6-18. 

When  an  inspired  man  shall  arise  in  thy  midst,  or  a  dreamer 
of  a  dream,  and  shall  give  to  thee  a  sign  or  a  marvel,  and  the 
sign  shall  come  about  and  the  marvel,  of  which  he  hath  talked 
to  thee,  saying,  "  Let  us  go  after  other  deities,  and  let  us  be 
their  servants  "  :  thou  art  not  to  listen  unto  the  utterances  of 
that  inspired  one,  or  to  the  dreamer  of  that  dream.  And  as 
for  that  inspired  one,  or  the  dreamer  of  that  dream,  he  is  to  be 
put  to  death :  for  he  has  talked  of  defection  respecting  Yah- 
weh, him  who  redeems  thee  from  the  house  of  slavery  I  Yea, 
it  was  to  cause  thee  to  swerve  from  the  way  that  Yahweh  thy 
god  directed  thee  to  go  in.  And  thou  shalt  utterly  burn  out 
the  mischief  from  thy  midst.  When  thy  brother  ^  thy  mother's 
son,  or  thy  son,  or  thy  daughter,  or  the  wife  of  thy  bosom,  or 
thy  neighbour  "^  who  is  like  thy  soul,  shall  put  upon  thee  in 
secret  saying,  "  Let  us  go  and  let  us  be  servants  to  other  dei- 

'  Observe  here  a  trace  of  the  old  Semitic  way  of  reckoning  de- 
scent by  the  mother.  Cf.  W.  R.  Smith's  Marriage  and  Kinship  in 
Early  Arabia,  Cambridge,  1885, 

-  This  use  of  V^  as  well  as  JIS  has  special  pecuharities,  Cf. 
Steuernagel's  Enisiehung,  p.  30. 


276  APPENDIX   III 

ties,"  whom  thou  hast  not  known,  thou  and  thy  ancestors  ;  if 
it  be  some  of  the  deities  of  the  nations  near  to  thee,  or  those 
afar  from  thee,  from  the  end  of  the  earth  even  to  the  end  of 
the  earth  :  then  thou  art  not  to  be  willing  for  it,  and  thou  art 
not  to  listen  unto  him ;  and  thine  eye  is  not  to  have  pity  for 
him  ;  and  thou  art  not  to  be  compassionate,  and  thou  art  not 
to  keep  concealing  on  his  account.  But  surely  slay  him  thou 
shalt :  it  is  thy  hand  that  is  to  be  upon  him  in  the  first 
place,  to  cause  him  to  die,  and  then  the  hand  of  all  the  people 
in  succession.  And  thou  shalt  pelt  him  with  stones,  and  he 
shall  die,  because  he  kept  seeking  to  cause  thee  to  swerve 
from  beside  Yahweh  thy  god,  him  who  causes  thee  to  go  out 
from  the  land  of  Egypt,  from  the  house  of  slavery.  And  when 
all  Israel  shall  hear,  then  they  will  reverence ;  and  they  will 
not  continue  to  do  according  to  this  mischievous  thing  in  thy 
midst. 

When  thou  shalt  hear  in  one  of  thy  cities,  that  Yahweh  thy 
god  is  giving  thee  for  dwelling  there,  saying  that  there  have 
gone  out  men,  vile  scoundrels,  from  thy  midst  and  they  have 
caused  the  dwellers  in  their  cities  to  swerve,  saying,  "Let  us 
go  and  let  us  be  servants  of  other  deities  "  :  then  thou  shalt 
inquire  and  shalt  investigate,  and  shalt  ask  carefully.  And 
lo,  if  the  thing  be  established  as  truth,  that  this  disgusting 
thing  has  been  done  in  thy  midst ;  smite,  verily  smite  shalt 
thou,  the  inhabitants  of  that  city  with  the  edge  of  the  sword, 
making  anathema  of  it,  and  all  that  is  in  it,  and  even  its  cat- 
tle, with  the  edge  of  the  sword.  And  as  for  its  plunder,  that 
shalt  thou  gather  unto  the  midst  of  its  open  place  ;  and  thou 
art  to  burn  the  city  in  the  fire  and  all  its  plunder,  as  some- 
thing wholly  belonging  to  Yahweh  thy  god.  And  it  shall  be 
a  heap  unto  the  ages  ;  it  shall  not  be  built  again.  And  there 
shall  not  cleave  to  thy  hand  anything  from  the  anathema,  to 
the  end  that  Yahweh  may  return  from  the  burning  of  his  nos- 
tril (anger),  and  that  he  may  give  thee  mercies,  and  may  be 
ever  merciful  to  thee,  and  may  multiply  thee,  according  to 
that  which  he  was  pledged  for  to  thy  fathers. 

13.  Concerning  the  siege  of  a  city.     xx.  10-17,  19f. 


THE   ORIGINAL    ^'  D  "    DOCUMENTS  277 

When  thou  shalt  approach  to  a  city  to  be  at  war  upon  it, 
then  thou  shalt  ciy  to  it  "  For  peace  !  " 

And  it  shall  be  that  if,  perchance,  "  Peace  "  be  what  it  an- 
swer thee  and  if  it  shall  open  to  thee ;  then  it  shall  be  that 
whatever  people  be  found  in  it,  they  shall  belong  to  thee  as 
tributary,  and  they  shall  sen^e  thee  as  slaves. 

But  if  perchance  it  shall  not  make  a  peace  with  thee,  and 
if  it  shall  set  up  war  with  thee,  then  thou  shalt  make  a  siege 
upon  it.  And  Yahweh  thy  god  shall  give  it  into  thy  hand, 
and  thou  shalt  cause  a  smiting  of  all  its  males,  with  the  edge 
of  the  sword.  It  is  only  the  women  and  the  little  ones  and 
the  cattle,  and  all  that  may  be  in  the  city,  namely,  all  its 
plunder,  that  thou  shalt  loot  for  thyself.  And  thou  shalt  eat 
all  of  the  plunder  of  thine  enemies  whom  Yahweh  thy  god 
shall  give  to  thee. 

Thus  art  thou  to  do  to  all  the  cities  that  are  veiy  far  away 
from  thee,  namely,  those  which  are  not  of  the  cities  of  these 
peoples  here.  Only,  as  for  the  cities  of  these  nations  which 
Yahweh  thy  god  is  giving  to  thee  for  a  *'  share ; "  of  these 
thou  art  not  to  let  live  any  breathing  thing :  but  anathema 
shalt  thou  surely  make  them,  the  Hittite  and  the  Amorite, 
the  Canaanite,  the  Perizzite,  the  Hivvite,  and  the  Jebusite 
just  as  Yahweh  thy  god  has  directed  thee. 

When  thou  shalt  besiege  a  city  many  days,  to  war  upon  it, 
to  take  it,  thou  art  not  to  cause  destruction  of  its  trees, 
namely,  by  swaying  an  axe  upon  them  :  for  it  is  from  them 
thou  art  to  live.  So  that  is  a  thing  thou  art  not  to  cut  ofif ; 
for,  are  the  trees  of  the  field  men,  that  they  should  run  away 
before  thee  into  the  place  of  siege  ?  Only  trees  which  thou 
mayest  know  are  not  food-bearing  trees,  thou  shalt  cause  to 
destroy  and  cut  them  down,  so  that  thou  mayest  build  a  place 
of  siege  beside  that  city  with  which  thou  art  making  war, 
until  it  falls. 

Now  follows  a  third  set  of  rules,  namely,  for  humane  con- 
duct. 

14.  Of  kindness  to  animals,     xxii.  1-4,  6-8. 

Thou  art  not  to  see  thy  brother's  ox,  or  his  sheep  getting 


278  APPENDIX   III 

driven  astray  and  hide  thyself  from  them.  Restore,  yea,  re- 
store them  shalt  thou  to  thy  brother.  And  if,  perchance,  thy 
brother  be  not  nigh  unto  thee,  and  if  thou  dost  not  know 
him,  then  thou  shalt  gather  it  unto  thy  house-court  and  it 
shall  be  with  thee  up  to  thy  brother's  seeking  it,  and  thou 
shalt  cause  it  to  return  to  him.  And  so  shalt  thou  do  to  his 
ass,  and  so  shalt  thou  do  for  his  garment,  and  so  shalt  thou 
do  for  all  that  is  perishing  of  thy  brother's,  which  may  jierish 
from  him,  if  thou  shalt  find  it.  Thou  art  not  to  be  free  to 
hide  thyself. 

Thou  art  not  to  see  thy  brother's  ass  or  his  ox  falling  down 
in  the  road,  and  to  hide  thyself  from  them.  Eaise  up,  yea, 
thou  shalt  raise  up  along  with  him. 

When  there  happens  a  little  bird's  nest  before  thee  on  the 
way,  in  any  tree,  or  upon  the  ground,  that  is  to  say,  nestlings 
or  eggs  and  the  mother  brooding  over  the  nestlings  or  over 
the  eggs,  then  thou  art  not  to  take  the  mother  actually  U23on 
her  brood.  Send  away,  yea,  thou  art  to  send  away  the 
mother,  while  the  brood  thou  takest  to  thee,  to  the  end  that 
it  may  be  pleasant  for  thee,  and  thou  shalt  lengthen  days. 

Whenever  thou  shalt  build  a  new  house,  then  thou  shalt 
make  a  parapet  for  thy  roof ;  so  thou  shalt  not  put  bloodshed 
in  thy  house,  when  some  falling  one  shall  fall  from  it. 

15.  Of  kindness  to  slaves  and  debtors,  and  the  like,  xxiii. 
16f,  20,  25f ;  xxiv.  6,  10-xxv.  4. 

Thou  art  not  to  send  a  slave  away  shackled  to  his  master,  if 
he  should  escape  unto  thee  from  his  master.  It  is  with  thee 
he  is  to  dwell  in  thy  circle,  in  the  place  that  he  may  choose 
in  one  of  thy  gates,  in  that  which  is  pleasing  to  him  :  thou  art 
not  to  put  force  upon  him. 

Thou  art  not  to  cause  thy  brother  to  pay  interest,  interest 
of  silver,  interest  of  food,  interest  of  anything  where  one  may 
take  interest  {i.e.,  "bite  off"). 

When  thou  shalt  come  into  thy  neighbour's  vineyard,  then 
thou  art  to  eat  grapes  according  to  thy  mind,  even  thy  fill, 
and  yet  into  thy  basket  thou  art  not  to  put  any.  When  thou 
comest  to  the  standing  corn  of  thy  neighbour,  then  thou  art 


THE   ORIGINAL    "  D  "    DOCUMENTS  279 

to  pluck  ears  with  thy  hand  ;  but  a  sickle  thou  shalt  not 
cause  to  wave  over  thy  neighbour's  ^  standing  corn. 

A  pair  of  mill  stones  or  a  rider  stone  (upper  stone  of  a 
hand-mill)  shall  never  be  a  pledge :  for  it  is  a  soul  that  one 
would  be  pledging. 

When  thou  shalt  arrange  with  thy  neighbour  ^  a  loan  of  a  load 
of  anything,  thou  art  not  to  come  unto  his  house  to  pledge 
his  pledge.  It  is  in  the  lane  thou  art  to  stand,  so  that  the 
man  to  whom  thou  art  loaning,  may  bring  out  the  pledge  to 
thee,  to  the  lane. 

And  if,  perchance,  he  be  a  bowed  man,''^  thou  art  not  to  lie 
down  to  sleep  with  his  pledge.  Return,  yea,  return  shalt 
thou  the  pledge  to  him  by  the  setting  of  the  sun  and  he  shall 
lie  down  to  sleep  in  his  own  garment ;  and  he  will  bless  thee, 
whilst  thou  shalt  have  righteousness  before  Yahweh  thy  god. 

Thou  art  not  to  oppress  a  hireling  who  is  a  bowed  down  man 
(■^D^)  and  a  longing  one,  whether  he  be  of  thy  brethren,  or  of 
thy  sojourners  who  are  in  thy  land,  in  thy  gates.  For  his  day 
thou  art  to  give  him  his  hire,  and  do  not  let  the  sun  set  upon 
him,  because  he  is  a  bowed  one,  and  it  is  toward  this  (hire) 
that  he  is  straining  his  soul.  And  let  him  not  cry  to  Yahweh 
concerning  thee,  for  then  there  would  be  fault  in  thee. 

Fathers  are  not  to  be  caused  to  die  on  account  of  chil- 
dren, and  children  are  not  to  be  caused  to  die  on  account  of 
fathers  :  it  is  each  one  in  and  for  his  own  fault  that  they  are 
to  be  caused  to  die. 

Thou  art  not  to  push  aside  a  judicial  decision  concerning 
an  orphan  sojourner,  or  to  treat  as  a  pledge  the  garment  of 
a  widow  ;  and  thou  shalt  remember  that  it  was  a  slave  thou 
wast  in  Egypt,  and  then  Yahweh  thy  god  redeemed  thee 
thence.     It  is  on  this  account  that  I  am  directing  thee  to  do 

'  These  are  pointed  out  by  Steuernagel  as  among  the  few  passages 
where  ^"1  is  used  when  we  should  expect  HX. 

*  Poor  man,  "^Dl^  cf.  Rhalfs  on  "^2^  and  12^  in  den  Tsalmen. 
Gottingen,  1892.  One  without  any  land  property,  and  therefore  the 
special  protege  of  the  prophets  who  denounce  the  larger  oppressive 
landowners.—  [Craig.] 


280  APPENDIX   III 

this  thing.  When  thou  shalt  reap  thj  crop  in  thy  field,  then 
thou  art  to  forget  a  sheaf  in  the  field  ;  thou  art  not  to  return 
to  take  it.  For  the  sojourner,  for  the  orphan,  and  for  the 
widow  it  shall  be ;  to  the  end  that  Yahweh  thy  god  may 
bless  thee  and  all  thy  handiwork.  When  thou  shalt  beat 
thy  olive  tree,  thou  art  not  to  pick  up  completely  behind 
thee  ;  for  the  sojourner,  the  orphan,  and  for  the  widow  it 
shall  be.  When  thou  shalt  clip  thy  vineyard,  thou  art  not  to 
keep  going  over  what  is  behind  thee  ;  for  the  sojourner,  for 
the  orphan,  and  for  the  widow  it  shall  be.  And  thou  shalt 
remember  that  it  was  a  slave  thou  wast  in  the  land  of  Egypt. 
It  is  on  this  account  that  it  is  even  I  who  am  directing  thee 
to  do  this  thing. 

When  there  shall  be  a  contention  between  men  and  they 
be  brought  near  to  the  place  of  judging,  and  they  shall  judge 
them ;  then  they  shall  declare  as  righteous  the  ever-righteous 
man  and  they  shall  declare  as  bad  the  bad  man.  And  it  shall 
come  to  pass,  if  perchance  the  bad  man  be  a  fellow  to  thrash  ; 
then  the  judge  shall  throw  him  down  and  shall  have  him 
beaten  in  his  (the  judge's)  presence,  according  to  the  amount 
of  his  badness.  By  due  number  of  strokes,  it  is  forty  he  may 
lay  upon  him  ;  he  is  not  to  continue  further,  lest  if  he  should 
continue  to  beat  him  further  above  these  blows  with  a  great 
beating,  then  thy  brother  would  be  treated  as  of  little  account 
before  thine  eyes. 

Thou  art  not  to  muzzle  an  ox  while  it  is  threshing. 

16.  Of  rebate  allowed  to  debtors  at  the  "  Eemission " 
year.     xv.  If,  7-11. 

It  is  at  the  end  of  seven  years  that  thou  art  to  make  a  re- 
mission. 

And  this  is  the  saying  ^  concerning  remission  :  Let  every 
possessor  (hnal)  of  a  bond  remit  his  claim,  whereby  he  might 
cause  his  neighbour  ^  to  pay  interest.  He  is  not  to  come  upon 
his  neighbour,  or  his  brother,  because  there  hath  been  pro- 
claimed "  A  remission  for  Yahweh." 

'  This  looks  very  like  direct  quotation  of  an  old  customary  rule. 
'  See  Steuernagel,  p.  29. 


THE   ORIGINAL    "  D  "    DOCUMENTS  281 

If  there  should  be  among  thee  someone  who  is  too  needy 
for  one  of  thy  brethren,  in  one  of  thy  gates  in  thy  land  that 
Yahweli  thy  god  is  giving  thee,  thou  art  not  to  let  thy  mind 
be  hard,  and  thou  art  not  to  shut  up  thy  hand  from  thy 
brother,  the  needy  one.  But  open,  yea,  thou  art  to  open  thy 
hand  to  him  and  let  him  pledge,  yea,  thou  shalt  let  him 
give  a  pledge,  enough  for  the  particular  want  in  which  he 
may  have  want.  Have  a  care  for  thyself  lest  any  saying  which 
is  vilely  worthless  have  a  place  in  thy  mind,  to  wit,  *'  The 
year  of  the  seven,  the  year  of  remission  has  come  near," 
and  so  thine  eye  be  mischievous  in  the  matter  of  thy  needy 
brother,  and  so  thou  do  not  give  to  him,  and  then  he  cry  out 
to  Yahweh,  and  there  shall  be  a  fault  in  thee.  Give,  yea, 
thou  art  to  give  to  him,  and  thy  mind  is  not  to  get  disturbed 
at  thy  giving  to  him,  for  it  is  in  connection  with  this  thing 
that  Yahweh  thy  god  is  going  to  bless  thee  in  all  thy  work- 
ing, in  every  outgoing  of  thy  hand. 

For  the  needy  one  is  not  going  to  cease  out  of  the  midst  of 
the  land.  It  is  on  this  account  that  it  is  I  who  am  directing 
thee,  saying,  '*Open,  yea,  thou  art  to  open  thy  hand  to  thy 
brother,  to  thy  bowed  one,  and  to  thy  needy  one  in  thy  land." 
17.  Of  the  freeing  of  slaves  in  the  "  Remission  "  year.  xv. 
12-15,  18. 

When  thy  brother,  i.e.,  the  Hebrew,  shall  get  sold  to  thee, 
then  he  shall  serve  thee  six  years,  and  when  it  is  the  seventh 
thou  art  to  send  him  away  quite  freed  from  being  with  thee. 
And  when  thou  shalt  send  him  away  quite  free  from  being 
with  thee,  then  thou  art  not  to  send  him  away  empty-handed. 
Make,  yea,  thou  art  to  make  for  him,  as  it  were,  a  very  neck- 
lace for  adornment,  out  of  thy  flock  and  out  of  thy  threshing 
floor,  and  out  of  thy  wine  vat.  It  is  of  that  wherewith  Yah- 
weh thy  god  hath  blessed  thee  that  thou  art  to  give  to  him. 
And  thou  art  to  remember  that  it  was  a  slave  thou  wast  in  the 
land  of  Egypt,  and  then  Yahweh  thy  god  redeemed  thee. 
It  is  for  this  reason  that  it  is  I  who  am  directing  thee  with 
this  utterance  this  day.  Thine  eye  is  not  to  be  severe  at  thy 
sending  him  away  quite  free  from  being  with  thee,  for  to  the 


282  APPENDIX   III 

double  of  the  hire  of  a  hireling  hath  he  served  thee  as  a  slave 
for  six  years.  And  Yahweh,  thy  God,  is  going  to  bless  thee 
in  all  that  thou  art  going  to  do. 

IV.  Liturgical  Appendix,     xxvi.  1  f.,  4-15. 

And  it  shall  come  to  pass  when  thou  comest  to  the  land 
that  Yahweh  thy  god  is  giving  to  thee  as  a  "  share,"  then 
thou  shalt  take  possession  of  it  and  shalt  dwell  in  it.  And 
thou  shalt  take  of  the  first  of  all  the  fruit  of  the  soil  which 
thou  shalt  fetch  from  thy  land  which  Yahweh  thy  god  is 
giving  to  thee,  and  thou  shalt  set  it  in  the  fruit-holder,  and 
thou  shalt  go  into  the  place  that  Yahweh  thy  god  is  going 
to  choose  for  the  constant  abiding  of  his  name  there.  And 
thou  shalt  bow  and  say  before  Yahweh  thy  god : 

"  My  father  was  a  perishing  Aramaean, 

So  he  goes  down  toward  Egypt  and  sojourns  there  with  a  few 

folk: 
So  he  becomes  there  a  people  great,  well  knit,  and  many. 
Then  it  came  to  pass  we  cried  in  trouble  unto  Yahweh,  our  an- 
cestral god, 
And  Yahweh  heard  our  voice,  and  he  looked  upon  our  bowing 

and  our  weariness,  and  our  extremity  : 
And  Yahweh  brought  us  out  from  Egypt,  with  firm  hand,  and 

outstretched  arm,  and  causing  great  fear,  and  with  signs  and 

wonders ; 
And  he  caused  us  to  come  to  this  place, 
And  he  gave  us  this  land,  a  land  trickling  with  milk  and  grape 

juice. 
Now  therefore,  see,  I  have  brought  the  first  of  the  fruit  of  the 

soil  that  Yahweh  has  given  me." 

And  thou  shalt  put  it  down  before  Yahweh  thy  god  and 
thou  shalt  bow  thyself  down  before  Yahweh  thy  god  and 
thou  shalt  rejoice  in  all  the  good  that  Yahweh  thy  god  has 
given  thee,  thou  and  thy  house  and  the  Levite  and  the  so- 
journer who  is  in  thy  midst. 

When  thou  shalt  quite  finish  making  tithe,  all  the  tithe,  of 
thy  income  in  the  third  year,  the  year  of  the  tithing,  then 


283 

thou  shalt  give  to  the  Levite,  to  the  sojourner,  to  the  orphan, 
and  to  the  widow,  and  they  shall  eat  in  thy  gates,  and  shall 
be  satisfied.     And  thou  shalt  say,  before  Yahweh  thy  god  : 

"I  have  thoroughly  used  up  the  'devoted'  material  out  of  the 
house, 

And  likewise  I  have  given  it  to  the  Levite  and  to  the  sojourner, 
to  the  orphan,  and  to  the  widow ; 

According  to  all  thy  direction  that  thou  hast  directed  me. 

I  have  not  transgressed  any  of  thy  directions,  and  I  have  not  for- 
gotten. 

I  have  not  eaten  any  of  it  amid  my  mourning. 

And  I  have  not  used  up  any  of  it  amid  impurity. 

And  I  have  not  given  any  of  it  for  one  dead. 

I  have  listened  unto  the  voice  of  Yahweh  my  god ; 

I  have  done  according  to  all  that  thou  hast  directed  me, 

O  look  down  from  thy  sacred  abode,  from  the  heavens. 

And  bless  thy  people  Israel,  and  the  soil  thou  hast  given  us, 

According  as  thou  hast  been  pledged  to  our  ancestors, 

Even  a  land  trickling  with  milk  and  grape-juice. 

V.   The   Closing  Portion  of  the  Setting. 

The  concluding  declaration,     xxvi.  16-19. 

One  great  central  altar  *'  at  Shechem  is  prescribed."  xxvii. 
2,  3,  5-8. 

The  awful  authorisations,  promises,  and  warnings,  xxviii. 
omitting  many  verses  that  bear  strong  marks  of  later  devout 
annotators'  hands. 

Declaration  that  the  rules  given  are  familiar,  easy  to  the 
grasp ;  and  the  final  conclusion,     xxx.  11-20. 

B.   The  ^' Elder''  Amos-like  Document. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  other  element  which  we  have  called 
the  **  Elder"  Document,  and  which  prefers  the  plural  "  you  " 
at  least  in  its  prefatory  portion.  We  shall  be  content  to  treat 
of  it  more  in  outline,  indicating  briefly  the  set  of  rules  which 
it  prescribes. 


284  APPENDIX   III 

The  introductory  portion  of  this  must  have  included  the 
Decalogue  as  the  "  Judge  "  did  ;  but  also  most  of  chapter  v., 
which  describes  the  Horeb  scene.  The  further  portions  of 
the  introduction  can  be  obtained  by  setting  together  what  we 
have  omitted  when  forming  the  "Judge's"  introduction,  or 
by  setting  together  the  "you"  passages.  Then  this  intro- 
duction will  be  found  to  be  very  largely  narrative,  and,  more- 
over, it  is  pretty  fully  preserved.  The  whole  reads  fairly 
continuously  when  it  is  so  set  together.  Of  course  the  editors 
have  retouched  it,  but  the  touches  can  be  eliminated. 

The  main  body  of  rules  standing  in  xii.-xxvi.,  and  belonging 
to  this  second  work,  is  made  up  of  four  different  sets,  or 
rather,  of  the  Fundamental  Rule  for  Centralisation,  and  then 
of  three  fairly  distinct  little  codes.  "We  give  them  much  as 
Steuernagel  does. 

Fundamental, 
Of  centralisation,     xii.  1  f.,  8-12. 

TJie  Elder's  Rules. 

Of  those  who  deny  the  duty  of  Yahweh  worship,    xvii.  2-13. 
Of  the  avenger  of  blood,     xix.  11-13. 
Of  a  body  found  dead.     xxi.  1-9. 
Of  treatment  of  sons.     xxi.  15-23. 
Of  treatment  of  women,     xxii.  13-xxiii.  1 . 
Of  the  brother-in-law's  duty  to  his  brother's  widow  and  the 
heirship,     xxv.  5-10. 

The  Oracles  of  Yahweh^s  Disgust. 

These  emphasise  their  particular  directions  by  adding  the 
formula,  "  Because  everyone  doing  these  things  is  disgusting 
to  Yahweh."     They  are  the  following  passages  : 

Of  seeking  other  gods.  xii.  29-31.  (But  this  is  a  doubtful 
case.) 

Of  tabooed  foods,     xiv.  3-21.     (This  is  doubtful  also.) 

Of  asheras  and  other  pillars,     xvi.  21-xvii.  1. 


THE   ORIGIISrAL    "  D  "    DOCUMENTS  285 

Of  magicians,     xviii.  10-12. 

Of  tabooed  dress,     xxii.  5. 

Of  sexual  worships,     xxiii.  19. 

Of  dissolving  a  marriage,     xxiv.  1-4. 

Of  just  measures,     xxv.  13-16. 

Military  Laws  and  the  Like. 

Of  courage  and  of  equipment,     xx.  1-9. 

Of  captive  women,     xxi.  lO-li. 

Of  sanitation  in  camp,     xxiii.  10-15. 

There  are  very  few  passages  in  chapters  v.-xxx.  which  are 
not  inchided  in  one  or  the  other  of  these  collections.  A  few 
sentences  onlv,  or  brief  paragraphs,  are  omitted  because  of 
the  present  diflScultj  in  assigning  them  to  their  proper  place. 
Although  these  analyses  do  not  by  any  means  solve  all  the 
difficulties  that  arise  in  any  efifort  to  read  Deuteronomy  intel- 
ligently, yet  they  make  this  very  clear,  that  the  composers  of 
the  book  made  it  up  as  a  collection  of  heterogeneous  rules, 
from  various  sources,  and  in  a  quite  unsystematic  way. 


APPENDIX   IV 

OUTLINE   ANALYSES    OF    THE    ORACLES 
OF  JEREMIAH 


The  following  outlines  are  given  much  as  they  are  proposed 
by  two  of  the  more  recent  studies  of  the  Jeremiah-literature, 
viz.,  those  of  Cornill  and  Duhm. 

t.  Nearly  as  Arranged  by  Professor  Cor7iill  in  the  Polychrome 
Bible  in  Hebrew. 

I.  Oracles  written  down  by  Baruch  in  605  b.c.  and  then 
published.  They  are  summaries  and  selections  of  Jeremiah's 
work  from  627  to  605  B.C. 

Chapters  and  bits  in  chapters  i.,  ii.,  iii.,  at  1  and  19  ;  iv.  at 
3  ;  v.,  vi.,  iii.  at  6;  xi.,  xii.  at  1  and  5  ;  xviii.,  vii.  at  2;  viii. , 
ix.,  X.  at  17;  xxv.  at  1,  7,  15  ;  xlvi.,  xlvii.,  xlviii.  at  1,  25,  25  ; 
xlix. 

II.  Oracles  uttered  from  b.c.  605  to  599  under  Jehoiakim : 
xiv.  to  xvii.  at  1  and  14 ;  xii.  at  7 ;  xxxv.  at  1  and  17. 

III.  Under  Jehoiachin,  b.  c.  599,  c.  xiii. 

IV.  Under  Zedekiah,  B.C.,  599-588  :  xxiv.,  xxix.  at  1,  21, 
31 ;  xlix.  at  34  ;  xxii.,  xxiii.  at  1  and  9 ;  xxi.,  xx.  at  14  and 
7 ;  xxxii.  at  1,  6,  and  24 ;  xxxiii.,  xxiii.  at  7  =  xvi.  at  14. 

V.  After  the  enslavement,  b.c.  588  onward :  xxx.,  xxxi.  at 
1  and  15  ;  xlvi.  at  13. 

VI.  A  few  verses  whose  true  place  is  not  discoverable  :  in 
cc,  ii.,  ix.,  xii.,  xvi.  and  xvii. 

VII.  A  number  written  down  long  after  the  death  of  the 
prophet :  Verses  in  xix.,  xx.,  xxvi.,  xxxvi.,  xlv.,  xxviii.,  xxvii., 
Ii.,  xxxiv.,  xxxvii.,  xxxviii.,  xxxix.,  xl.,  xii.,  xlii.,  xliii.,  xliv. 

VIII.  Four  brief  passages  not  from  Jeremiah's  pen. 

286 


THE  ORACLES   OF  JEREMIAH  287 

ii.  As  set  forth  hy  Professor  B.  Duhm  in  his  Kurzen  Hand- 
Konimentar,  Published  by  Mohr,  Tubingen,  1901.  Duhm 
counts  as  really  Jeremiah^s  own  only  some  sixty  short  lyrical 
oracles  : 

E.g.,  I.  Of  his  anathoth  days  :  (1)  A  few  verses  at  c.  ii.  2  f. 
and  Ii  onward  ;  at  c.  iii.  1,  12  and  19 ;  and  at  c.  iv.  1.  (2) 
Later  than  those,  but  earlier  than  606  B.C.,  verses  in  c.  xxxi. 
at  2  and  15.  (3)  Songs  concerning  Scythia,  verses  in  c.  iv.  at 
5,  11,  19,  23,  29. 

II.  From  his  Jerusalem  times  :  (1)  Under  Josiah,  verses  in 
c.  V.  at  1  onward  ;  in  c.  vi.  at  1  onward  ;  in  c.  vii.  at  28 ;  in 
c.  viii.  at  v.  4  onward  ;  in  c.  ix.  at  1  onward  ;  and  c.  x.  at  19. 
(2)  Under  Jehoahaz  ;  in  c.  xii.  at  10.  (3)  Under  Jehoiakim  ; 
in  c.  xxii.,  again  at  13  and  18  ;  in  xi.  at  15,  and  xii.  at  7  ;  and 
in  c.  xiii.  at  v.  15  onward.  (4)  Under  Jehoiachin  ;  c.  xxii.  at 
24  and  28. 

III.  A  series  of  uncertain  date,  but  probably  from  the 
prophet's  later  years ;  in  c.  xiv.  at  2  ;  in  c.  xv.  at  5  ;  xvi.  at  5 ; 
xviii.  at  13  ;  xxiii.  at  9  and  13  ;  in  c.  xi.  at  18 ;  c.  xv.  at  10 ; 
xvii.  at  9 ;  c.  xviii.  at  18 ;  xx.  at  7  and  14 ;  xiv.  at  17 ;  and 
xvii.  at  1. 

IV.  Then  there  is  a  large  Biography  by  Jeremiah's  amanu- 
ensis Baruch  ;  also  many  late  additions. 


INDEX 


Aaron,  248,  251,  253,  254 

Abiathar,  238,  241 

Abiezrite,  233 

AbigaU,  238 

Abihu,  227 

Abimelech,  35,  261 

Abimelek,  235 

Abner,  35,  ^40 

Abram,  230,  243,  244 

Ab-Ram,  243 

Abraham,  29,  35,  36,  220,  221 

Absalom,  24J? 

Acco,  233 

Achan,  259 

Adam,  34 

Adham,  219 

Adonijah,  242 

Adonis,  97  n. 

^schylus,  217 

Africa,  3,  87 

Africans,  126 

Agaz,  230,  265 

Ahab,  42,  66 

Ahaz,  42,  59,  85,  93,  94,  95,  104 ; 

refused  to  ask  a  sign,  94 ;  refused 

to   go  against   Assyria,   60,  93  ; 

his  reign  and  policy,  81,  83,  84, 

90  ;  his  death,  83,  100 
Ahimelek,  238 
Ahinoam,  238 
Ai,  232,  259 
Airy,  Mr.,  41  n. 
Alexander,  187 
Amalek,  253,  258 
Amalekites,  230,  232,  239,  253,  264, 

265,  266 


Amaziah,  51 

American  Indians,  14 

Ammon,  221,  262 

Ammonites,  235,  241,  242,  261 

Amnon,  242 

Amon,  155 

Amorites,  229,  233,  243,  252,  253, 
2W,  260,  277 

Amos,  11,  30,  31,  40,  42,  43,  44,  45, 
48,  49,  50,  51,  52,  53,  54,  55,  70, 
81,  89,  112,  127,  146,  163;  his 
preaching,  39,  45,  53,  144 ;  the 
man,  39,  40 ;  his  time,  40 ;  his 
correct  style,  44 ;  his  picture 
of  the  neighbouring  nations,  45  ; 
his  picture  of  Israel,  45,  46, 
47,  48,  51,  52,  53;  sees  and  con- 
demns in  Samaria,  115,  116  ;  his 
ideal  is  goodness,  118,  119,  127, 
128 

Amos-like  document,  283 

Anaq,  229 

Anath,  233 

Anathoth,  170 

Animal  cla7is,  14,  25,  67 

"Anointed,"  the,  how  interpre- 
ted, 176,  208 

Anthropomorphism,  28 

Apocalyptists.  131 

Arabah,  238 

Arabia,  1,  88,  102;  its  monaster- 
ies, 156  ;  its  steppes,  220 

Arabs,  177,  187,  200 

Arad,  229 

Aram,  32,  221,  241 

Aramaean,  221,  282 


289 


290 


INDEX 


Ark  of  the  Hebrews,  31 

Armageddon,  168 

Arnon,  254 

Ashdod,  85,  102 

Asher,  223,  231,  233 

Asherah,  157,  159,  261 

Ashur,  the  god,  157,  159 

Asia,  3,  87 

Asia  Minor,  2 

Assurbanipal,  151,  154,  165;  im- 
portance of  his  work,  151,  152 ; 
his  library  of  tablets,  151 

Assyria,  1,  40,  42,  43,  54,  55,  58, 
60,  70,  73,  84,  92,  93,  98,  99,  102, 
105,  108,  118,  126,  140,  152,  167; 
was  used  by  Yahweh  to  save  Is- 
rael, 82, 126,  127  ;  fell  before  the 
Scythians,  150,  152,  161  ;  its  in- 
fluence on  Judah,  154 

Assyrian  MSS.,  40,  41  ;  records,  55  ; 
very  ancient,  40  ;  exile,  75 

Assyrian  Emperor,  100 

Assyrians,  59 

Asur-dan  III.,  42,  43 

Asur-nirari,  42 

Athaliah,  Queen,  42 

Azariah,  59  ;  an  aged  sheik,  80 

Azrijahu,  58 

Baal,  Baalim,  20,  157,  203  ;  as  re- 
lated to  Yahweh,  65,  67,  68,  123- 
129 

Ba'al  deities,  169 

Ba'alah  of  Judah,  31 

Ba'als,  124,  125 

Baals  of  Shechem,  261 

Baal-worship,  157,  159,  261 

Baalbec,  234 

Babel,  220 

Babylon,  42,  88,  150,  153,  168,  171, 
173,  181,  186,  195,  204,  206,  209, 
214.  218 

Babylonia,  revolt  in,  83,  86 

Babylonian  Empire,  171 


Babylonians,  167,  206 

Balaam,  35,  36,  229,  254,  260 ;  goes 

to  curse  the  Hebrews,  229,  230, 

254,  260 
Balak,  254 
Bamoth,  229 
Baruch,  179n,  286,  287 
Bashan,  89 
Batters  by,  137 
Bedouin,  244 

Beersheba,  4,  48,  53,  221,  244 
Ben-Beeri,  61 

Benjamin,  222,  223,  230,  233,  235 
Benjaminites,  24,  35,  235,  242 
Ben-Remal-Yah,  59 
Beth-Anath,  233 
Bethel,  48,  50,  71,  116,  222,  233 ;  its 

sanctuary,  222,  232,  233 
Bethlehem,  262,  265 
Bezek,  35 
Bichri,  242 
Bildad,  189 
Bleek,  133  n. 
Book  of  Jasher,  16  n. 
Book  of  the  Revelation,  168 
Books  of  Discipline,  146 
Buddha,  217 

Cain,  35 

Canaan,  1,  35,  36,  97,  201,  203,  208, 
215,  223,  229,  230,  231  n.,  232, 
252,  260 

Canaanites,  234, 253,  277 

Caleb,  "  dog,"  14,  36 

Calebite,  238 

Caphtor,  126 

Carchemish,  168 

Carmel,  238 

Carpenter,  137 

Central  Arabia,  centre  of  popula- 
tion, 1 

Ceremonialism  is  bad,  85, 112, 113 ; 
not  favored  by  Deuteronomists, 
146 


INDEX 


291 


Chant  of  the  Outstretched  Arm, 

93 
Chemosh,  254 
Chesedh,  120,  128 
Cheyne,    Professor,    118,  170,  196, 

197,  200 
China,  217 
Choq,  178 

Chronicles,  the  books  of,  214,  215 
Circumcision,  7,  231 
"Comfort    Poem"   195,   198;    its 

ideas  concerning  God,  198 
Confucius,  217 
Conscience  the  voice  of  Yahweh, 

and  related  to  will,  113,  114 
Cornill,  284 
Covenant  confirmed  with  a  feast, 12, 

13;  favourite  idea  with  Hosea,  68 
Cretans,  241 
Croesus,  206 
Cursing,  15 
Cyprus,  103  n. 
Cyrus,  204,  205,  208 

Dagon,  263 

Damascus,  3,  43,  55,   82,  97;   feU 

before  the  Assyrians,  60,  97 
Dan.  52,  223,  231,  233,  334,  262;  a 

sanctuary,  234 
Danites,  233 
David,  2,  17,  23,  24,  27,  29,  31,  35, 

36,   37,  42,   126,  237,  265,   266; 

caused  the  ark  to  be  brought  up, 

31 ;  favourite  of  Yahweh,  16, 17 ; 

his  conquests,  32,  33 ;  made  king, 

237,  238,  239,  240,  241,  242 ;  his 

census  taking,  241 
Davidic  dynasty,  17,  30,  33,  235  ; 


the  kingdom,  23, 


26 


Day  of  Judgment,  50 
Day,  Yahweh's,  50 
Dead  Sea,  231 

Decalogue,  131,  145,  175,  251,  254, 
255  n.,  268,  284 


Declaration  of  agreement  and  in- 
structions, 227 

Delilah,  234 

Deuteronomic  document,  68,  84, 
141,  152,  156;  does  not  mention 
Hezekiah,  85;  reformation,  133, 
140,  164,  171  ;  idea,  140,  146,  147, 
149, 152,  153,  191  ;  theology,  143- 
145;  ethics,  145, 146;  school,  'AS, 
160,  176  ;  faith,  167,  171  ;  plan, 
170,  215;  covenant,  170;  the 
finding  of  the  MS.,  156  ;  its  iden- 
tification, 158,  159,  160  ;  came  to 
a  moral  need,  143-148 ;  came  as 
an  amendment,  146 

Deuteronomists,  132,  133,  135^2, 
155,  180 ;  sought  moral  ends,  143  ; 
their  progress,  144  ;  their  "  sec- 
ond laws,"  146;  their  theology 
and  ethics,  146,  147,  148,  152, 
153,  180 

Deuteronomy,  question  of  its  au- 
thorship, 135,  136,  137,  156-160, 
178,  255  n.,  268,  285  ;  as  ascribed 
to  Moses,  135 ;  its  date,  140»; 
found,  158,  159, 160  ;  "  the  Char- 
ter of  the  Reformation"  of 
Josiah,  160,  168,  178,  179;  the 
problem  and  its  clew,  136-142 

Documents  of  the  Hebrews  ana- 
lyzed, 22  sq.;  Yahwistic  litera- 
ture, 24  sq. 

Doeg,  238 

Dor,  239 

Driver,  133  n. 

Duhm,  188  n.,  196,  200,  286, 
287 

Early  Hebrew  life,  1-21 

Early  narrative  literature,  22-33 

Ebal,  258 

Eben-ezer,  264 

Eclipse,  the  great,  42,  52 

Editors  and  editing,  176 


292 


INDEX 


Edom,  32,  75,  88, 177,  221,  232,  244, 
245,  260 

Edomite,  238,  253 

Edomites,  200,  222 

Edomite  sheiks,  222 

Eglon,  233,  259 

Egypt,  1,  6,  7,  47,  75, 101,  105,  150, 
165,  166,  168,  171,  222,  223,  225, 
227,  246,  247,  248,  260,  279,  281, 
282 ;  the  plagues  in,  67,  224,  225, 
249 ;  danger  of  its  friendships, 
85  ;  succeeded  Assyria,  152 

Egyptian  court,  55 

Egyptian  party,  58,  101,  104,  105 

Egyptian  slavery,  74,  75  ;  misery, 
76 

Egyptians,  6,  7,  59,  126.  220,  222, 
226,  248 

Ehud,  233 

Eighth  century,  coincidences  in,  43 

Ekron,  86,  87 

"Elder"  document,  283 

"  Elders  "  in  the  Hexateuch,  138, 
139,  140,  146,  160,  268,  283 

^^,  248 

El-Elohe-Isra-El,  245 

Eleazar,  254 

Eli,  263,  263 

Eliezer,  252,  260 

Elijah,  42,  83 

Eliphaz,  189 

Elisha,  42,  56,  66,  83 

Elohim,  144,  200,  236  n.,  243-266; 
revelation  of  the  name,  247  ;  cas- 
ket, 263 

Elohistic  narrative,  15,  76  n.,  243- 
266;  school,  130,  133  n.,  136, 142, 
148,  160 ;  document  discovered 
by  Hupfield,  130,  266  ;  analysis 
of  the  narrative,  243-266  ;  series 
of  wonder  children,  263,  265 

Elohists,  34,  76,  131,  132,  155,  245; 
their  language,  76 ;  how  related 
to  the  Yahwists,  131-134  ;   Deu- 


teronomists,  132,  155 ;  exalted 
Shechem  sanctuary,  133  ;  sought 
moral  ends,  143 

El  Qanna,  144,  227,  260 

Eltekeh,  42,  87 

Encyclopedia  Biblica,  137 

Ephods,  69 

Ephraim,  54,  59,  80,  223,  232,  235, 
246,  260,  261 ;  its  fruitfulness,  80 

Ephraimites,  233,  235 

Ephrath,  222 

Eponym  Canon,  103 

Esarhaddon,  151,  154 

Esau,  35 

Ethics  of  the  Yahwistic  school,  34 

Ethiopian  dynasty,  86 

Euphrates,  1,  3,  83,  168,  220,  252, 
260 

Euphrates-land,  260 

Europe,  3 

Eve,  34 

Ewald,  133  n. 

Exodus,  64,  144,  245 

Ezra,  214,  215,  217 

Ezra-Nehemiah,  217 

Ezekiel,  165,  172,  186,  187,  190, 
200;  his  answer  to  the  exilic 
problem,  191-195  ;  his  character, 
192 

Exile,  its  problems,  181-184;  its 
history,  181-184 ;  if  a  judgment 
on  wrong  doing,  183,  203,  204 ; 
the  suffering  in,  191 

Exilic  literature,  186-187;  prob- 
lem and  answers  to,  188, 189,  190  ; 
answer  of  the  Book  of  Job,  188  ; 
answer  of  the  Holiness  Law,  189- 
191  ;  answer  of  Ezekiel  191-195  ; 
answer  in  Isaiah's  Comfort 
Poem,  195 

Feast  of  flesh  for  the  clan,  179 
Feast  of  the  Spring-time,  226 
Festal  worship,  corruptions  in,  44 


INDEX 


293 


Gad,  223,  230,  231,  241 

Gadites,  254 

Gath,  238,  239 

Gaza,  83 

Gemara,  146 

Genesis,  Book  of,  176,  178 

Geraite,  233 

Gershom,  253 

Gezerites,  239 

Gibeah,  73,  235 

Gibeon,  259 

Gibeonites,  241 

Gideon,  35,  233,  234,  261 

Gilboa,  239 

Gilead,  71,  221,  262 

Gileadites,  56 

Gilgal,  48,  50,  73,  231,  233,  235, 
258  ;  its  temple,  48  ;  a  sanctuary, 
73,  231;  a  place  of  note,  73; 
story  of  the  kingdom,  235 

God  the  Unseen,  19,  123,  177;  had 
material  offerings,  19;  had  a 
moral  relationship,  19,  20  ;  tribal 
theory  of,  123-129  ;  as  one  only, 
127;  heightens  the  idea  of  sin, 
210 

Golden  calf,  72 

Goliath,  265 

Gomorrah,  220 

Goodness  favoured  by  Yahweh,  50, 
113,  120,  121,  122  ;  as  seen  by  the 
prophets,  127,  128 

Goshen,  2,  3,  6,  7,  13,  17,  20,  222, 
224,  225 

Greece,  217 

Greek  Olympiads,  41 

Greeks,  the,  41 

Gudhgodhah,  254 

Habakkuk,  5, 182  ;  purpose  of  his 
book,  175;  believes  in  Yahweh 
and  honesty,  174,  175,  177 ;  his 
Psalm,  176 

Haggai,  315 


Hal,  Hallel,  Hallelu-Yah,  12 

Hamath,  58 

Hananiah,  185 

Hannah,  263 

Hawah,  11 

Hazor,  259 

Healing  by  music,  18,  20 

Hebraism,  its  reformation,  150, 
180 

Hebrew,  a,  223 

Hebrew  monarchy,  16,  20,  24,  25, 
26 

Hebrew  prince,  223 

Hebrew  story,  223 

Hebrew  text  of  the  Scriptures, 
166 

Hebrews,  "  migrators,"  1,  2, 13, 149, 
200,  201,  220,  221,  222,  225,  226, 
231,  233,  234,  235,  236,  239,  246, 
247,  248,  249,  250,  259  ;  their  po- 
sition among  neighbours,  346  ;  in 
Egypt,  6-8,  35,  224;  as  nomads, 
8-15 ;  at  Sinai,  9,  31,  32 ;  their 
settlement,  16-18  ;  their  religion 
and  morals,  19,  104,  126,  149, 
178,  221 ;  their  relation  to  Yah- 
weh, 12,  25,  28,  29,  119, 126,  220  ; 
elevation  of  their  moral  concep- 
tion, 25,  26,  27,  32,  213  ;  the  relig- 
ious ideas  anthropomorphic,  28 ; 
their  ideas  widened,  31,  149, 178; 
did  not  live  by  sacrificial  relig- 
ion, 71 ;  spiritual  result  of  un- 
faithfulness to  Yahweh,  72 ; 
their  conscience  was  the  voice  of 
Yahweh,  113,  114,  115;  Yahweh 
proposed  to  restore  the  Hebrews, 
203  ;  their  hope,  296  ;  their  faith 
in  the  Unseen,  177, 183  ;  advance 
in  their  moral  ideas,  178  ;  their 
return  from  exile,  214  ;  in  Go- 
shen,     4  ;  at  Sinai.  224-231 

Hebron,  2,  229,  232,  240 

Herodotus,  152 


294 


INDEX 


Hexateuch,  137 

Hezekiah,  43,  84,  85,  100,  101,  103, 
140,  154 ;  succeeded  his  father 
Ahaz,  84;  traditional  view  of  him 
improbable,  84,  85  ;  his  political 
policy,  85,  86,  87,  154;  keeper 
of  Padi  in  Jerusalem,  86 ;  if 
under  Isaiah's  influence,  101, 
154  ;  his  reformation,  140  ;  his 
death,  154 

Hilkiah,  135,  136,  156,  163 

Hiram  of  Tyre,  55 

Hittites,  2,  232,  277 

Hivvite,  277 

Hobab,  232 

Holiness  law,  189,191;  its  answer 
to  exilic  problem,  189-191 

Home  luxury,  88,  89 

Homeric  epic,  16 

Horeb,  9,  145,  170,  248,  254,  255  n., 
284 

Hosea,  42,  43,  54,  55,  56,  57,  59,  61, 
69,  70,  71,  73,  74,  82,  83,  89,  99, 
107,  112,  126,  139,  140,  142, 
198,  203;  his  prophecies,  54;  a 
courtier,  55  ;  the  contemporary 
kings,  54,  55,  61 ;  his  names,  61; 
perhaps  both  prince  and  prophet, 

61,  62,  63  ;  his  high  character, 
61  ;  his  imprisonment  and  death, 

62,  63  ;  his  prophecies  difficult  to 
analyse,  63  ;  teaching  of  his  un- 
faithful wife,  67,  68  ;  his  view  of 
Yahweh,  68,  69 ;  his  regard  for 
instruments  of  worship,  69 ;  as 
a  theologian,  72,  144,  203  ;  turns 
history  into  a  sermon,  76  n.,  115; 
changes  his  denunciations  to 
words  of  comfort,  77,  78  ;  sees 
and  condemns,  115 ;  his  ideal  of 
love  and  faithfulness,  119,  120, 
121,  128,  203 

Hoseah.  30 
Hupfield,  130 


Iashar,  25,  232 

Ibhrim,  233,  243 

Ichabod,  263 

Immami-el,  95,  169,  251  n. 

India,  217 

Inundation  (flood),  220  n. 

Isaac,  35,  221,  243 

Isaiah,  30,  42,  53,  81, 82,  83,  84-109, 
112,  120,  121,  122,  125,  131,  162, 
198,  202,  218 ;  prophet  and  states- 
man, 79  sq. ;  story  of  his  states- 
manship, 74  ;  his  vision  of  Yah- 
weh, 80,  81 ;  sent  as  a  preacher, 
81 ;  his  sudden  end,  88,  103  ; 
substance  of  his  sermons,  88- 
109  ;  his  picture  of  his  time,  88, 
89,  90,  116-118  ;  his  theology,  90, 
98, 99, 107, 128  ;  distrusted  Ahaz, 
90 ;  his  "  Song  of  the  Vineyard," 
90 ;  his  dependence  upon  Yah- 
weh, 93,  94,  95 ;  his  promised 
sign,  95,  97  ;  sees  and  condemns, 
116;  troubled  at  the  sight  of  his 
own  uncleanness,  117,  118;  his 
ideal  of  justice  and  righteousness, 
120,  121 ;  as  related  to  Jeremiah, 
169 ;  the  deutero-Isaiah,  176 ; 
part  of  the  work  for  the  exiles, 
187;  his  "  Comfort  Poem,"  195; 
not  always  correct  in  his  fore- 
casts, 95,"  97,  98,99 

Isaiah-singers,  214 

Israel,  3,  39,  41,  43,  45,  47,  66,  79, 

81,  93,  120,  121,  126,  139,  155, 
208,  222,  229,  230,  231,  234,  239, 
244,  248,  254,  261,  263;  as  a 
kingdom  was  closed  by  Sargon, 

82,  149;  lost  by  disobedience  to 
Yahweh,  125 

Israelite  part,  242 
Israelites,  45 
Ishai,  237 
Ish-Baal,  240 
Ishmael.  222 


INDEX 


295 


Ishmaelites,  200 
Issachar,  223,  231 

Jabesh,  Gilead,  240 

Jabin,  259 

Jacob,  35,  222,  223,  245,  246,  247, 
260 

Jacob.  "  supplanter,"  "  lier-in- 
wait,"  3,  221,  244 

Jacobite,  245 

Japheth,  37 

Jared,  71 

Jarmuth,  259 

Jebusites,  232,  253,  277 

Jeconiah,  165,  166,  173 

Jehoahaz,  165,  166,  168,  287 

Jehoiachin,  165,  167,  286,  287 

Jehoiakim,  165,  166,  287 

v'ehoshaphat,  253  n. 

Jehu,  42,  56,  66 

Jephthah,  261,  262 

Jeremiah,  11,  131,  139,  150,  159, 
168,  170,  171, 172,  175, 179  n.,  180, 
184,  185,  187,  191,  213,  215,  286 ; 
his  theology  and  ethics,  164-174, 
198;  the  "weeping  prophet," 
164;  as  a  personality,  164,  168; 
chronology  of  his  book,  165 ;  his 
text  in  much  disorder,  166-174; 
date  of  his  preaching,  165,  183 ; 
was  inspired  by  Yahweh  to 
preach,  169,  174 

Jericho,  258,  259 

Jeroboam,  42 

Jeroboam  II.,  39,  42,  43,  51,  53, 
55,  56  ;  the  intrigues  of  his  reign, 
55 

Jerubbaal,  234 

Jerusalem,  31,  42,  43,45,  51,  79,  85, 
90,  93,  162,  203,  217  n.,  232,  240, 
241,  266,  267,  287;  its  position, 
79,  100;  ruin  impending,  106; 
its  morals,  107 ;  fell  before  Neb- 
uchadnezzar, 165 


Jeshurun,  231 
Jesse,  265 
Jesus,  205  n.,  213 
Jethro,  248,  252,  253 
Jews  or  Judahites,  173,  186 
Jezreel,  66,  238 
Joab,  35,  240,  241,  242 
Joash,  261 

Job,  book  of,  186,  188 ;  its  answer 
to  the  exilic  problem,  188-189 


Jonathan,  37,  236, 


265,  266 


Jordan,  3,  13,  56,229,  238,  258,  260 

Jordan,  East,  56,  59,  222,  223,  230, 
233,  236,  254,  260 

Jordan,  West,  230,  231,  245,  258 

Joseph,  7,  29,  35,  36,  222,  223,  230, 
232,  246,  249,  260,  265 ;  his  ideal 
character,  36,  246 ;  his  blessing 
as  a  tribe,  230;  in  Egypt,  246, 
247 

Josephites,  233 

Joshua,  15,  35,  231,  232,  251,  253, 
258,  265 ;  succeeded  Moses,  258  ; 
led  the  Hebrews,  258-260 

Josiah,  68,  84,  131,  133,  135,  136, 
139,  152,  153,  167,  193,  287 

Josiah,  his  reformation,  154-160, 
167,  183  ;  his  minority,  165,  167; 
opposed  Pharaoh-Necho,  165;  his 
reign,  166 ;  his  confidence  in 
heaven,  168,  170 

Jotham,  42,  58,  59,  81,  261 ;  father 
of  Ahaz,  81 

Judah,  35,  36, 39,  41,  43,  45,  52,  58, 
59,  68,  79,  89,  100,  102,  108,  109, 
118,  126,  141,  162,  173,  177,  215, 
222,  223,  230,  232,  239,  240,  262  ; 
its  position,  79,  82,  83 ;  daughter 
of  Yahweh,  87;  its  petty  sheik, 
152 ;  revolted  from  Babylon,  165  ; 
call  to  submit  to  Babylon,  173 

Judahites,  173,  232,  242 

Judaism,  180 

Judea,  166 


296 


INDEX 


Judge,  Judges,  mentioned  in  the 
Hexateuch,  138,  139,  160,  268, 
270,  284 

"Judge,"  author,  140,  284;  Elo- 
histic,  142,  148,  160;  as  related 
to  Hosea  and  Isaiah,  140,  142- 
160 

Judge  document,  268,  269,  270 

Judges,  book  of,  25,  176 

Judicial  government,  19 

Kadesh,  229,  253 

Kadesh-Barnea,  5 

Kaleb  (dog),  229,  232 

Kenezite,  232 

Kenites,  232,  264 

Khorsabad,  inscription,  102  n. 

Kings,  book  of,  176 

Kir,  126 

Eiryatharha,  232 

Kittel,  Professor,  79, 133  n. 

Knowledge  of  good  and  evil,  28, 

34 
Korah,  229 

Kosters,  Professor,  217  n. 
Kroob,  32 
Kroobs,  10 
Kuyunjik,  151 

Laban,  35,  221,  244,  254 

Lachish,  259 

Laish,  262 

Law-time  of  Hebrew  history,  178 

"  Laws  for  Humane  Conduct,"  138 

Lebanon,  47,  88,  231,  244,  254,  262 

Lebanons,  3 

Leshem,  233 

Levi,  35,  144,  222,  223,  230 

Levi-clan,  228 

Levite,  235,  262,  270,  271,  274,  282, 

283 
Levitical  school,  176 
Leviticus,  191 
Lewi,  6,  8 


Lewiim  "  Levites, '  8,  13 ;  associ- 
ated with  Moses,  13,  14 
Libations  of  wine  and  oil,  12 
Lo-Ammi,  66 
Lo-Ruhamah,  66 
Lot,  35,  220 ;  the  daughter  of,  35 
Lust-worship,  157 
Luz,  232 
Luzites,  232 
Lydia,  206 

Maccehahs,  69,  244,  245 
Machir,  232 
Machirites,  230 
Maher-shalal-liash-haz,  96 
Malachi,  178,  215,  216 
Manasseh,  son  of  Joseph,  230,  232, 

233 
Manasseh,  110,  154,  155 ;  his  reign, 

154,  155 
Manoah,  234 
Mashich,  238 
Mattan,  229 
Medes,  167 
Media,  165 
Mediterranean,  3,  39 
Medo-Persia,  150,  152,  204,  206 
Megiddo,  152,  168 
Menahem,  42,  54,   55,  56,  58,  59, 

66  ;  paid  a  thousand  talents,  54, 

56  ;  was  called  "  ben-Gadi,"  56 ; 

his  usurpation  and  reign,  56,  59 
Merab,  266 
Merib-Baal,  241 
Merodach-baladan,  83,  86  ;  ruled  in 

Babylonia,  83 ;  was  opposed  by 

Sayon,  86 
Messiah,  the  name,  305  n.  ;    as  ap- 
plied to  Jesus,  305  n. 
Micah,  42,  109,  131  ;  outline  of  his 

preaching,  109,  110;  his  ethical 

ideal,  122,  202 
Micah,  an  Ephraimite,  263 
Micah-Bong,  181 


INDEX 


297 


Michal,  238 

Michmash,  236 

J/tfrai??i-Egypt,  61  n. 

Midian,  224,  226,  228,  329,  248; 
priest  of,  224,  226,  228,  348 

Midianite,  233,  261 

Minieh,  1 

Miriam,  350,  353 

Mishnah,  146 

Mizpah,  a  sanctuary,  70,  321,  262  ; 
the  founding  of  the  kingdom, 
262 

Moab,  102,  135,  145,  158,  221,  229, 
233,  237,  254,  255 

Moabite,  254 

Moabite  Valley,  229 

Moabites,  233.  254.  260 

Mohammed's  Islamic  doctrine  of 
fate,  65  n.,  170 

Moore,  137 

Moral  need  calling  for  reforma- 
tion, 143;  questions  of  moral 
government,  183,  184,  187 

Morality  and  theology  arose  to- 
gether, 19,  20,  21,  34 

Moserah,  254 

Moses,  29,  30,  36, 224,  225,  226, 227, 
231,  258,  265;  Moses  in  the  des- 
ert of  Sinai,  6,  8,  224,  227,  328, 
339 ;  leader  of  the  Hebrews,  8, 
14,  36,  334,  325,  226,  227,  228, 
229,  249,  250;  as  pictured  by 
the  Yahwist,  36  ;  described  as  a 
prophet  by  Hosea,  76  n.  ;  "  the 
Lawgiver,"  112;  prophet  and 
preacher,  112,  144, 158,  227  ;  said 
to  have  been  Deuteronomist, 
135;  in  Egj-pt,  224,  225;  his 
Moab  utterances,  135 ;  proclaims 
The  Name  Yahweh,  327;  his 
Elohistic  history,  247-258;  gives 
the  Statutes,  250 ;  in  the  moun- 
tain, 251  ;  his  death,  258 

Moses's  Blessing,  230 


Moses-Torah,  131 
Mupri,  61,  62,  83 
Mu(?ur,  61,  71 

Naaman,  97 

Nabal,  14,  238 

Nabi,  265,  266 

Nabopolassar,  165 

Nabuna'id,  205 

Nachah-el,  229 

Nachash,  14,  219,  224 

Nachlolim.  233 

Nadab,  227 

Nahum,  150,  161,  162,  165  ;  lierald 
of  Josiah's  reformation,  161, 163  ; 
his  idea  regarding  Yahweh,  160, 
161,  162  ;  date  of  his  preaching, 
165 

Naphtali,  223,  231,  233 

Nathan,  266 

Nazarites,  or  vow-pledged  men, 
113 

Nazir,  363 

Nebuchadnezzar,  165,  174,  181, 
184 

Neghehh-ldMdi,  339 

Nehemiah,  315,  317  ;  his  position 
and  character,  315 

Nephilim,  253 

Niebuhr,  1 

Nile,  6, 168,  174,  224,  249 

Nile,  Upper,  61 

Nineveh,  43,  62,  63,  150,  154,  165, 
167  ;  date  of  its  destruction,  165 

Nob,  238,  266 

Nomad-life  not  suited  to  the  He- 
brews, 13 

Nomads,  their  trend,  13 

Nun,  14 

Obadiah,  177 
Olympiads,  41 
Omri,  42 
Orders  of  Ezekiel,  146 


298 


INDEX 


Padi,  Se,  87 

Palestine,  1,  13,  16,  33,  55,  60,  84, 
88,  104,  150,  243,  247,  260 

Paran,  254 

Pasch  (passover),  225 

Faschah,  272 

Passover,  7,  157;  established,  157 

Pekah,  42,  59,  60 

Pekah-ben-Remal-Yah,  59 

Pekahiah,  42,  59 ;  his  short  reign, 
59 

Peor,  231 

Peor,  Baal  of,  73 

Perizzite,  277 

Persia,  217 

Pharaoh,  7,  35,  222,  223,  224,  225, 
226,  246,  249 ;  friend  of  Joseph, 
246,  247 

Pharaoh-Necho,  152,  165,  167,  168 

Philistia,  42,  48,  83,  84,  100,  101 

Philistine,  47,  229,  234, 238,  252,  265 

Philistines,  4, 15,  126,  221,  236,  237, 
238,  239,  240,  263 

Phineas,  263 

Phoenicia,  82 

Piru,  62  n. 

Pithom,  224 

Plagues  in  Egypt,  224,  225 

Plato,  218 

Population,  estimated,  of  Israel,  57 

Potiphar,  246 ;  his  wife  and  her 
intrigues,  246 

Priestly  school,  146,  176 

Prometheus  Vinctus,  218 

Prophets  as  moral  teachers,  111- 
115  ;  their  tone  of  teaching.  111, 
112,  113;  condemn  ceremonial- 
ism, 113;  condemn  sin  and  all 
evil,  113,  114  ;  their  ethics,  115- 
118;  their  ideals,  118-122;  their 
theology  proper,  123 

Prophets  of  Goodness,  37 

Psalmists,  131 

Pul,  54 


Qadesh,  224,  254 
Qadhosh,  128 
Qedar,  102 
Qeilah,  238 
Qesitahs,  245 
Qitronim,  233 
Qobolam,  55 
Qodeah,  125,  128 

Raamses,  224 

Ramahs,  262 

Rammannirari  III. ,  43 

Raphia,  42,  83 

Rebecca,  35,  244 

Red  Sea,  1 

Reeds,  sea  of,  226 

Reedy  Sea,  226,  260    " 

Rehoboam,  42 

Remission  Year,  281 

Return  from  the  exile,  the,  214 

Reuben,  35,  222,  223,  230,  246,  247 

Reubenites,  253,  254 

Rezin  of  Damascus,  55 

Romans,  the,  41 

Rome,  A.  U.  C,  42 

Russia,  152 

Sabako,  61  n. 

Sabbath,  250,  252 

Sacred  feasts  to  the  gods,  3,  9,  12, 
19,  25,  58,  72,  80,  123 ;  pillars, 
10,31,69;  slabs,  170 

Sacrifice,  its  origin  and  idea,  13, 
19,  25,  71,  226;  to  Yahweh,  12; 
form  of  imperfect  life,  71 ;  to 
devils  and  not  to  Yahweh,  76; 
sometimes  useless,  108 ;  as  hated 
by  Isaiah,  108  ;  in  Egypt,  225;  at 
coronation,  235  ;  human,  262  n. 

Salt  Sea,  221 

Samaria,  41,  43,  44,  45,  47,  51,  55, 
56,  57,  82,  83,  89,  97,  98,  105,  115, 
124,  140  ;  fall  of,  42,  98, 109, 110; 
siege  of,  42 


INDEX 


299 


Samson,  35,  234 ;  his  history, 
234 

Samuel,  17,  73,  83,  172,  235,  263, 
264,265 

Samuel,  books  of,  176 

Sanctuaries,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  31,  39,  50, 
53,  57,  70,  73,  100,  104,  2:30,  270, 
274;  at  Shechem,  220,  222,  244, 
245,  283  ;  at  Beersheba,  221  ;  at 
Mizpah,  70,  221  ;  at  Bethel,  222, 
232,  233  ;  at  Sinai,  224,  226 ;  at 
Kadesh,  229 ;  at  Gilgal,  231,  233- 
273  ;  at  Dan,  234,  262 ;  at  Nob, 
238;  at  Jerusalem,  240,  241;  at 
Laish,  262;  at  Tabor  and  Shit- 
tim,  70 

Sarah,  221 

Sarai,  220 

Sardanapalus,  151 

Sargon  11. ,  42,  62  n.,  102,  103, 
130;  succeeded  Shalmanezer  IV., 
62,  82  ;  his  devastation  of  Israel, 
63  ;  the  emperor,  83 ;  his  con- 
quests, 83,  85,  86,  98,  101,  102, 
103;  his  death,  103 

Satan,  229,  239 

Saul,  35,  73,  230,  235,  241,  264; 
made  king,  235,  236,  237,  238, 
264,  265,  266;  his  defeat  and 
death,  239,  240,  266 

Scythia,  287 

Scythians,  165, 170 

Sea  of  Reeds,  252,  253 

Seir,  222,  260 

Semitic,  176,  179;  religions,  179; 
faith  and  its  teaching,  179,  180, 
203 

Senah  (Sinai),  5,  230 

Sene  (thornbush),  5 

Sennacherib,  Emperor  of  Baby- 
lonia, 86,  151,  154  ;  was  met  by 
Egyptian  intrigues,  86,  87  ;  over- 
ran Palestine  and  Jerusalem,  87, 
108, 154  ;  succeeded  Sargon,  103  ; 


marched  away  from  Jenisalem, 

108 
Septuagint  version,  166,  167 
Serpent  (Nahash),  34 
Settlement  of  the  Hebrews,  16-18 
Shaddai,  223 
Shallum,  42,  55,  1&5 
Shalmanezer  II. ,  42 
Shalmanezer  III,  42,  43 
Shalmanezer    IV.,  42,  61,  62,  82, 

97 
Shear-Jashub,  93 
Sheba,  242 
Shechem,  2,  116,  130,  140, 141,  220, 

222,  234,  244,  245,  258,  260,  266, 
37  ;  an  important  centre,  4,  71, 

130,    131 ;    northern    sanctuary, 

130,  133,  139,   145,  222,  244  n., 

^45 
Shechemites,  245 
Shem,  37,  220 
Sheol,  91,  119,  229 
Shiloh,  235,  262,  263 
Shittim  (sanctuary),  70 
Shrine  or  sacred  casket,  10,  31,  32, 

116 
Shur-steppe,  226 
SiVe  the  tartan  of  Pir'n,  62  n. 
Sidon,  233 
Sihon,  254 

Simeon,  35,  222,  223,  230 
Simeonites,  232 
Sin,  its  hideousness,  210 
Sin,  5 

Sin,  the  Babylonian  Moongod,  5  n. 
Sinai,  5,  9,  12,  14,  31, 170,  176,  224, 

228 
Sinai,  Mountain   of,    226 ;    Moun- 
tains of,  224  ;  deserts  of,  243 
Siout,  1 
Skuthoi,  152 

Slave-Lyrics,  the  Four,  207 
Slave  Songs,  the  Four,  218 
Smith,  Professor  W.'R.,  12, 123,179 


300 


INDEX 


So,   or    Sewe   (Sabako?),   61,  83; 

prince  of  Mu(;ri,  631 
Socrates,  218 
Sodom,  35,  220 
Solomon,  220,  223 ;  crowned  king, 

242 
Song  of  Deliverance,  231 
Song  of  the  Triumph  of  Moses, 

226 
Song  of  the  Vineyard,  90,  120 
Songs  of  the  Slave,  214 
Star-worship,  157 
Steuernagel,   Dr.    Carl,    137,   138, 

139,  270,  279,  284;  his  analysis 
.  of  the  Hexateuch,  137-142 
Stories  of  a  Straightforward  One, 

232 
Suez  Canal,  2 
Suffering  Slave,    Four    Songs  of, 

207 
Sun,  234,  246,  264 ;  House  of  the, 

264 
(TvvctSrjcrt?,  114  n. 

Syria,  1,  42,  58,  81,  93,97, 165,  254 
Syria,  Western,  43 
Syrians,  126 
S3rro-Bphraimite  war,  59 

Tables  as  if  to  feast  a  god,  9, 12, 
25,  58,  70,  72,  80,  92,  123 

Tabor  (sanctuary),  70 

Taharqu,  86 

Talmudists,  131 

Tartary,  152 

Taxation,  estimated,  56,  57 

Tehillah,  12 

Tel-el- Amarna,  1 ;  box  of  tablet 
letters,  1 

Teman,  5,  176 

Teraph,  Teraphim,  69,  156 

Theologies  as  viewed  by  the  proph- 
ets, 124,  125,  126 

Theologumena,  253 

Theophanies,  5,  8,  224 


Tiglathpileser  III.,  42,  54,  55,  58, 
82 ;  ravaged  the  north  of  Pales- 
tine, 60 ;  his  death,  61 

Tigris,  83 

Tirhaka,  86 

Tirzah,  56 

Tophet,  254 

Torah,  111,  131 

Torah-giver,  230 

Torah-place,  220 

Torrey,  217 

Totem  name,  14 

Tribal  theology,  123-129;  tribal 
theory,  74,  75,  123 

Tyre,  42,  55,  82,  97 

Ululare,  13 

Underworld,  105,  124 

Unity  aimed  at  in  Josiah's  day, 

152,  153 ;  by  the  Yahwists,  141, 

144,  145,  147,  152,  157 
Unleavened  bread,  225 
Uzziah,  42,  54,  81 ;  an  aged  sheik, 

80 
Uzziah- Azariah,  58 

Ventriloquists,  159,  239 
Venus-worship,  254 
Vision  of  the  Valley  of  Dry  Bones, 
194  n. 

Well  of  Oath,  4 
Well  of  the  Kid,  238 
White  Mountains,  3 
Winckler,  1,  61  n. 
Wisdom-writers,  131 
Wizards,  159 
World  empires,  150 
Worship,  147  ;  instruments  of,  69, 
71,  72,  73 

To' akanim^  254 

Yahweh,  1-242,  245,  250,  254,  259, 
260,  261,  262,  263,  264,  265,  266; 


INDEX 


301 


the  Hebrew  deity,  2,  23,  32,  39, 
46,  71,  81,  102,  123, 124,  134,  140, 
198,  233;  a  storm-god,  or  Ram- 
god,  5,  7,  8,  9,  31  ;  pronuncia- 
tion of  the  word,  10  ;  "  cause  of 
falling,"  11 ;  the  theology  of,  21, 
33,  220;  ''of  Sabaoth,"  31  ;  of 
Hosts,  32,  103,  125  ;  his  Day,  50, 
90,  163  ;  always  favoured  good- 
ness, 50,  120,  121,  122  ;  forsook 
his  own  land,  71,  77  ;  was  forgot- 
ten for  other  gods,  71 ,  72  ;  gave 
the  kings,  73  ;  is  not  a  man,  but 
God,  75, 143,  220  ;  judges  and  for- 
gives, 77,  78  ;  defended  Zion,  84; 
as  owner  of  the  Vineyard,  91 ;  his 
character  92,  98,  100,  104,  116, 
118,  119,  123-129,  220;  areaUty, 
107  ;  full  of  love  and  tenderness, 
116,  209 ;  man's  alliance  with, 
121,  122  ;  has  sympathy  with  the 
slaves  and  oppressed,  124 ;  his 
character  moral,  127,  209-213, 
217  ;  a  new  revelatioD,  144  ;  his 
influence  in  Deuteronomic  doc- 
ument, 156-160,  162-163;  his 
new  covenant,  167;  gave  mate- 
rial help,  168 ;  his  temple  at 
Zion,  171,  174,  176,  190,  240;  as 
one  with  Zion,  176  ;  meaning  of 
the  name,  172 ;  as  realised  in 
the  exile,  181-185  ;  his  people, 
200  ;  witnesses,  201,  217  ;  his  re- 
lation to  the  Semitic  faith,  203  ; 
views  of  his  purposes  among 
men,  203  ;  instructions  of,  214  ; 
at  the  Beginnings  of  Life,  219  ; 
priest  of,  224;  with  the  He- 
brews in  Egypt,  224,  225,  226, 
248  ;  tries  the  people  (Elohistic), 
226  n.  ;  is  tried  by  the  people 
(Yahwistic),  226  n.  ;  his  Declara- 
tion of  Agreement  and  Instruc- 
tions, 227  ;  his  agreement,  229 ; 


his  dealings  with  Mobcb,  224- 
231  ;  sanctuary,  240 

Yahweh-altar,  261 

Yahweh-guard,  228 

Yahweh-night,  225 

Yahweh-oracle,  261,  263 

Yahweh-prophet,  229 

Yah weh- wind,  225 

Yahweh-worshippers,  15,  16,  20 

Yahwistic  moral  standard,  35- 
37 

Yahwistic  narrative,  22,  219  ;  its 
analytical  contents,  219-242 

Yahwistic  school,  11,  22,  251  ;  its 
ethics,  34  ff.,  70 

Yahwistic  writers,  24,  26,  27,  33, 
35,  38 

Yahwists,  34,  36,  111,  125;  their 
teaching,  111,  112,  125,  126 ;  not 
legislators  or  ceremonialists,  112 ; 
their  objects,  24,  27,  34;  their 
theology,  25,  26,  27,  28,  29,  32 ; 
their  advance,  31  ;  their  lan- 
guage, 76  ;  their  relation  to  Elo- 
hists,  130-134 

Yatebhath,  254 

Yedidh  Yah,  242 

Yesha-Yahw,  11 

Zacharia,  42 

Zachariah,  55,  56 

Zechariah,  215 

Zeno,  114  n. 

Zadok,  241 

Zared,  254 

Zebulon,  223,  230,  233 

Zedekiah,  165,  173,  174,  286;  his 
reign,  166 

Zephaniah,  90,  150,  158,  165,  184  ; 
herald  of  Josiah's  reformation, 
161-163  ;  date  of  his  preaching, 
165;  character  of  his  preaching, 
184  ;  his  view  of  Yahweh,  162, 
163 


302 


INDEX 


Zion,  84, 98,  100,  104, 105, 109, 133, 
150,  156,  157.  170,  177,  181,  187, 
267 ;  sanctuary,  136 ;  had  two 
shrines,  157  ;  its  temple  for  Yah- 
weh,  171,  174,  176 


Ziph,  238 
Zipporah,  253 
Ziqlag,  238,  239 
Zophar,  189 
Zoroastrianism,  217 


INDEX  TO  OLD  TESTAMENT  REFERENCES 


Genesis. 

Joshua. 

2  Kings. 

xxiii.  2 

v.  27,  222 

ix.  66  n. 

xxxiv.  2 

X.  13,  16 

XV.  19,  54. 

1.  10  f.,  222 

xxii.  223 

xxii.  f.,  135,  157,  158, 
160 

Leviticus. 

Judges. 

xxii.  13,  159 

xvii.-xxvi.  186,  189, 

191  xxi.  25-16, 

,25 

xxiii.  3,  159 

XXV.  4  ff.,  186 
xxvi.  34  f.,  43,  186 

Ruth, 
iv.  20,  14 

2  Chronicles. 
Txxvi.  21,  186,  190 

Deuteronomy, 
iv.  45,  159 
V.  193 
V.  1,  3,  31,  159 

1  Samuel 
ii.  15,  12 

xxxvi.  22f.,187 

Nehemiah. 
i-vi.  217 

v-xi.  137,  138,  139 

2  Samuel. 

Isaiah. 

v.-xxxi.  139 

i.  18,  16 

i.  1-7,  109 

vi.  11,17,  20,  159 

vi.  31 

i.  1-26,  104,  107 

vi.  5, 159 

X.  1-xi.  1, 

21-24,  241 

i.  5-26,  104,  107 

xi.  1,  159 

xi.  2,  241 

i.  8-16,  109 

xii.-xxvi.  138 

xii.  7,  9,  10-25,  241 

ii.  1-4,  109 

xii.  1,  159 

xii.  27-31, 

242 

ii.  5-7,  109 

xii.  3,  159    . 

xiii.  242 

ii.  8-11,109 

xiii.  1  flf.,  159 

xiv.  24,  242 

ii.  6-10,  18-21,  89 

xvi.  12 

xiv.  28,  242 

ii.  11-17,  89 

xvi.  21,  159 

xix.  242 

iii.  1-4,  109 

xvii.  3,  159 

xix.  8-39, 

242 

iii.  5-8. 109 

xviii.  lOflF.,159 

xix.  40-xx 

.  22,  242 

iii.  1-15,  90 

xxi.-xxv.  138 

iii.  9-12,  109 

xxvi.  16  ff.,  159 

1  Kings. 

iii.  16-iv.  1,  90 

xxvii.  137  ff. 

ii.  30 

V.  8-24,  91 

xxix.  20-28,  159 

v.  914,  1-10 

XXX.  10,  159 

2  Kings. 

V.  25,  92 

XXX.  17  ff.  159 

i.  and  ii.  242 

V.  26-30,  92 

INDEX 


303 


Isaiah. 

vi.  93,  117 

vi.  1-8,  110 

vi.  9-16,  110 

vii.  1-6,  110 

vii.  1-16,  93 

viii.  1-ix.  6,  96 

vii.  60 

ix.  7-1.  4,  92 

X.  5-15,  102 

xi.  9,  123 

xiv.  24^27,  102 

xvi.  14,  102 

xvii.  1-6,  9-11,  97 

xvii.  12-14,  100 

xvii.  104,  108 

XX.  1-6,  101 

xxi.  161,102 

xxii.  1-14,  104 

xxii.  14,  lOS 

xxii.  15-18,  103,  105 

XXV.  8,  774 

xxviii,  1-6,  105 

xxviii.  7-22,  103, 105 

xxix.    1-6,  9-10,  13  f. 
104,  106 

xxix.  9f.,  106 

xxix.  13,  106 
xxix.  15,  104,  106 
xxix.  22,  200 
XXX.  1^,  104,  106 
XXX.  6f.,104 
XXX.  8-17,  104,  107 
xxxi.  1-3,  104,  107 
xxxi.  1-5,  107 
xxxi.  4-104 
xxxiii.  26,  200 
xxxix.  2,  86 
xl.  195,  196 
xl-xlviii.  205 
xl-lxvi.  200 
xl.  1,  196 
xli.  164.  196 
xli.  2,  187 


Isaiah. 

xli.  17  f.,  196 

xlii.  210 

xlii.  1-4,  196,  207 

xlii.  1-6,  207 

xlii.  8-25,  196 

xlii.  10-13,  200 

xliii.  23,  199 

xliv.  203 

xUv.  1-8,  21-28,  196 

xliv.  24-28,  204 

xliv.  28,  187 

xlv.  lflF.,187,  204 

xlv.  8.  200 

xlvi.  1-5,  9-13,  196 

xlvii.  196 

xlviii.  3,  5-8,  11-16,  20- 

21, 196 
xlix.  33,  164 
xlix.  1-6,  196,  207,  208, 

214 
1.  4-9, 196,  207,  209 
li.  164 
m.  13-liii.  12,  196,  207, 

211 
liii.  153,  164 
liii.  1,  7,  8,  164 
liii.  12,  207 

Jeremiah. 

i.-xxiv.  167 

ii.-vi.  169 

iii.  14,  170 

V.  17,  170 

vii.  X.  171 

ix.  1,  164 

li.  170 

xi.  18,  19,  164 

xi.,  xii.,  XX.  213 

xii.  170 

xiv. -xvii.  172 

xiv.  7,  9,  21  f.,  172 

xiv.  21  f.,  11 

XV.  172 


Jeremiah, 
xvi.  172 
xvii.  172 
xvii.  16,  211 
xviii.  170 
XX. -xxi  V.  173 
XX.  7,  211 
xxi.  164 
xxii.  164 
xxiv.  164 
XXV.  164, 171 
XX  vi.  164 
xxvi.-xlv.  167 
xxvii.  164 
xxxii.  173 
xxxiii.  1  ff.,  11 
xxxiii -li.  167 
xxxiv.  9  ff ,  179 
Iii.  167 

Ezekiel. 
ii.  2,  202 
iii.  24,  202 
xi.  192 
xi.  5,  202 
xi.  19,  202 
xviii.  31,  202 
xxxvi.  26,  202 
XXX  vii.  194 
xxxvii.  14,  202 
xxxix.  29 


i.-iii.  65 

iii.  76 

iv.-ix.  7,  64,  69 

iv.-xiv.  64 

iv.-ix.  7,  64 

V.  1-9,  70 

v.  10-vii.  2,  70 

V.  13,  54 

vi.  9  f.,  116 

vii.  3-ix.  7,  71 

vii.  7.  54 


304 


INDEX 


Hosea. 

Hosea. 

Amoi. 

vii.  11,  54,  59 

xii.  xiii.  64, 

75 

iii.  9-iT.  3,  47 

viii.  4,  54 

xiii.  76 

iv.  4-13,  48 

viii.  9,  54 

xiii.  10,  54 

V.  4  f.,  11 

ix.  8  f.,  72 

xiv.  1-9,  64 

V.  14,  127 

ix.  8,  9,  64 

xiv.  4,  54 

V.  1-15,  49 

ix.  10-xi.  G,  64,  73 

V.  16-vi.  14,  50 

X.  3,  54 

Amos. 

vii.  1-viii.  3,  51 

X.  5,  57 

i.-ii.  3,  45 

viii.  4-ix.  10,  52 

X.  6,  72 

ii.  6,  45 

xi.  67 

ii.  6-16,  45 

Micah. 

xi.  7-11,  64 

iii.  1-8,  46 

vii.  20 

The  Historical  Series 

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